Multiparty Mediation in Tajikistan: The 1997 Peace Agreement

2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-385 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThis article uses the successful international mediation of the Tajikistan conflict as a case study to show how the presence of multiple mediators can contribute to effective mediation of internal conflicts, especially when the external parties cooperate with each other. After examining the course of the Tajik negotiations leading up to the 1997 peace agreement, the article discusses the roles played by state and non-state mediators in the peace process, particularly Russia, Iran, and other regional powers, as well as the UN and the unofficial dialogue organized under the framework of the Dartmouth Conference. To provide structure for the analysis, the concept of the three roles of a mediator – communication, formulation, and manipulation – is employed. The article argues that multiparty mediation can create unique incentives for conflict management not available through a single mediator.

2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (01) ◽  
pp. 123-142
Author(s):  
Cheng Zilong

This paper categorizes intervention activities into two types, namely, coercive and supportive ones. Both means are usually applied together in resolving internal conflicts of a fragile country, yet Western powers tend to employ coercive intervention more frequently, while developing countries prefer supportive intervention. By comparing the roles that the United States and China played in the Darfur crisis as a case study, this paper explores how different means of intervention interact and how the means adopted by one party influence the other’s policy orientation. The mutual construction of national interests, national capacity and international values of different intervening powers constitute the analytical framework of this paper. In the case of Darfur, coercive intervention was found to impose more influence on the supportive one, while the latter played an indispensable role in facilitating the peace process in Darfur. As a leading power in favor of supportive engagement, China should learn to better deal with the coercive means of Western powers while working with all parties concerned to resolve internal conflicts of the target country by a pragmatic approach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alip Sugianto ◽  
Veri Setiawan

The purpose of this research is to explain how promotes management conflict and communication effective. This kind of conflict can happen to everyone and in any places disregarding status, income and position. Someone who cannot manage conflicts will have a threat for his personal performance, and unfortunately, company’s performance will also gain the effect. Accordingly, we need a strategy to manage conflicts as an effort to create a good performance for individual employee performance as well as the team performance. Communication means providing information and distributing to the members of the organization, if the distribution is hampered because of the bad behavior committed by a person or one of the employees of the communication that exists becomes ineffective. In the long term ineffective communications will result in the emergence of misunderstanding interpretation giving rise to prejudice and ultimately lead to internal conflicts within the company or organization. Role management is urgently needed to resolve the conflict because of the impact of impact of the conflict will impact on the performance and effectiveness of the work in the company especially in in Darul Ulum University. Key words: conflict management, effective communication, organization.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.


2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 339-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Samuel

AbstractThe OSCE's mandate for early warning, conflict prevention, conflict management and post-conflict rehabilitation based on its approach to comprehensive security through its network of field offices is implemented on a daily basis. Constructive relations with a host country are an important factor in their success, yet not always easy to achieve. This article provides a case study of one endeavour to strengthen these relations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sherif A. Eissa

There are two principal reasons behind the lack of success in reaching a final peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians, namely, the malfunctioning negotiations’ framework from one side and the complexity of the negotiated issues from the other. This article is mainly addressing the bilateral framework’s flaws when it comes to the Oslo accords and the way the two negotiating parties have perceived them. It is an attempt to overhaul the existing Oslo peace process and not to create a new one. Oslo process has become entrenched over more than twenty years of different practices and legal realities. The article is also introducing a negotiating framework that combines the benefits of a multilateral regional track to the Oslo process aiming to redress the latent structural flaws. It is intended not to tackle the final status issues, as there is a plethora of literature doing so. The extensive focus on those complicated issues without redressing the process’ structural flaws has led partially to the current stalemate. The role of any mediator or external partner is not to solve those issues on behalf of the principal parties, but to work on the negotiating framework and the process itself.


Resolution of the so-called “Bangsamoro Question” rests at the heart of the peace process between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the Southern Philippines, also known as the Bangsamoro homeland. Inspired by Allison and Zelikow’s conceptualization of Rational Actor Model (RAM), this paper analyzed how rational factor contributed to the conclusion of the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro (CAB) in 2014 and eventually enshrined into the Philippine Constitution through the approval of the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) on July 27, 2018. This paper argued that the success of the GPH-MILF peace process does not only depend on the sincerity of the administrations of both then President Aquino III and current President Duterte, international support or commitment, pressure from civil societies and community involvement as what many commentators provided. As shown in this paper, the rational factor and its dimension significantly affected actors’ strategic interactions and the GPH-MILF peace process per se. The findings offered a new perspective for conflict-resolution and shed light on how rational dimension impacted both actors’ strategic interactions, which led to the conclusion of the GPH-MILF peace agreement. This clearly indicated that rational dimension greatly influenced GPH and MILF’s strategic interactions and thereby took flexible attitudes to resolve outstanding issues between them which consequently led to the signing of the CAB and ultimately the ratification of the BOL in 2018.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-36
Author(s):  
Farhan Helmi Siregar

Peace talks between the Goverment of Republic of Colombia with Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) started from 2011 to 2016, and followed by disarmament and transition phase until 2017. The talks and process have resulted peace agreement between the conflicting sides in 2016, FARC-EP disarmament process, and transitioning the rebels into civilians’ life. Considered as a success by some observers, the peace process is not yet solving the problem about indigenous people affected by an half-century conflict between the goverment and FARC-EP. This paper will examine discourses from perspective of community security which is originated from the concept of human security that involves violent action, and other threats towards indigenous people in Colombia, the Awa, and Wounaan People between 2011 to 2017. The goal of discursive practices on violent action towards indigenous ''people during the peace process in Colombia is to explain the threat to community security in Colombia due to the problem occured in indigenous community


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Edna Johana Mondragón-Sánchez ◽  
Reinaldo Gutiérrez Barreiro ◽  
Marcos Venícios de Oliveira Lopes ◽  
Ana Karina Bezerra Pinheiro ◽  
Priscila de Souza Aquino ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Objectives: to analyze the impact of the Colombian Peace Agreement on the structural social determinants of health. Methods: a descriptive, ecological study, based on documentary data from 2008 to 2018. The records of victims, epidemiological indicators, and structural social determinants of health in Colombia were analyzed. Results: there was a correlation between the period in which the Peace Agreement process was developed and the indicators of structural determinants in health with p<0.05. With the Poisson regression analysis, the favorable correlations between the peace process and the determinants were confirmed, besides allowing the understanding of the changes in these indicators before the Peace Agreement. Conclusions: the implementation of the peace process has a positive impact on structural social determinants of health, which is observed by the beginning of the decrease of economic, educational, health, and social inequalities and inequities, a fact that offers the possibility of living in peace.


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