Ideologies of Insurgency: A Comparison between Post-Colonial and Turkish Socialist Movements

Protest ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-79
Author(s):  
Oner Buçukcu
Keyword(s):  
Development Process ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
The State ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Colonization Process ◽  
The Military ◽  
Independence Movements

Abstract The independence movements that emerged during the decolonization process generally defined themselves as socialism. These movements, which built world-making approaches around emphasis on independence, anti-Westernism, and anti-imperialism, basically faced three problems: rapid development, the construction of the state apparatus, and the creation of a nation. These three problems facilitated the contact of these movements with nationalism. Another result of the process is that the military bureaucracy usually leads the “revolution” processes. These countries, which entered a rapid development process, albeit briefly, were followed carefully by the socialist left in Turkey. In the period between 1960–65, Turkish socialism attaches importance to post-colonial movements with all its colors. In the period between 1965 and 1971, the perspective on experiences in these countries began to differ. Three important reasons for this situation are as follows: The differentiation of Turkey’s social, political, and economic structure from countries in the de-colonization process, the translation of Marxist classics and the disappointment created by post-colonial movements. All three reasons are based on the fact that Turkey’s historical experience differs from countries that have just gained independence. In this context, the article compares Turkish socialism and post-colonial movements between 1960–1971 on an ideational basis. This is important to understanding the foundations of subversive activities in Turkey.

State-Minority Contestations in Post-colonial Sri Lanka

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Social Force ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Military

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.

About some of the factors for public administration effectiveness

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-32
Author(s):  
ALIKHAN М. BAIMENOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Corporate Culture ◽  
Work Experience ◽  
Information Technologies ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Information Flows ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
State Apparatus

The article emphasizes that modern governments, working in unique socio-economic, historical and cultural conditions, must take into account global trends, as well as the growth of citizens’ expectations associated with the rapid development of information technologies and other factors. In such circumstances, special attention is paid to the effectiveness of public administration. The article discusses some of the significant factors impacting the effectiveness of public administration, such as the professionalization of the state apparatus, the legibility of the institutional framework, the optimization of information flows and corporate culture. In accordance with this, on the basis of work experience in the public administration system and analysis of civil service reforms in the countries of the region, the main challenges and possible solutions are shown. In the professionalization of the state apparatus, the importance of the merit principles in the selection and promotion stages of personnel through the empowerment of human resource (HR) management services, the integrity of tools and approaches at all stages of selection process, and the responsibility of the selection board are noted. The author focuses on the need to ensure a balance of powers, responsibility and resources, delimitation of powers between political and administrative civil servants, optimization of information flows. Particular importance is paid to corporate culture, which is one of the main factors affecting the efficiency of the state apparatus. It is noted that central values of corporate culture and leadership in state bodies of the countries of our region, along with generally accepted in the modern leadership theory, should be respect for the dignity, work and time of employees.

scholarly journals Constructing the social democratic developmental state in Africa: lessons from the “Global South”

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Klay Kieh
Keyword(s):  
Development Process ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
Global South ◽  
The State ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social

Since the dawn of the post-colonial era in the various regions of the “Global South,” including Africa, the appropriate role of the state in the development process has been a frontier issue. The resulting debate has revolved around two major trajectories: the minimalist state and the maximalist state. The former, shaped by the liberal cum neo-liberal Weltanschauung, posits that the state should have a limited role in socio-economic development—basically the creation of propitious conditions for the private accumulation of capital. Essentially, the suzerainty over the development process should rest with the “market” and its associated forces, particularly businesses. On the other hand, the maximalist state perspective asserts that the state should have a prominent role in the development process, including serving as the engine. Importantly, the debate has gone through various cycles, each dominated by the minimalist state paradigm.In spite of the hegemony of the minimalist state perspective, several states in the “Global South” have experimented with various models of state dirigisme — the “developmental state:” authoritarian (e.g. Singapore and South Korea) and democratic (e.g. Botswana and Mauritius). Against this backdrop, using the lessons learned from the experiences of some of the states in the “Global South” that have experimented with variants of the developmental state model, this article concluded that the social democratic developmental state is the best trajectory for promoting human-centered democracy and development in Africa.

scholarly journals Bintang Jasa – The Indonesian Star of Service

2020 ◽  
pp. 230-241
Author(s):  
Anton O. Zakharov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
The State ◽  
New Order ◽  
First Order ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

The award system of Indonesia reflects its political development. The first Order of Indonesia—the Guerilla Star (Bintang Gerilya)—was instituted in 1949, to praise the participants of the anti-colonial struggle for Inde-pendence. Ten years later, the award system of Indonesia included several orders—the Star of the Republic of Indonesia (Bintang Republik Indonesia), the Star of Mahaputera (Bintang Mahaputera), the Sacred Star (Bintang Sakti), the Military Distinguished Service Star (Bintang Dharma), the Guerilla Star, and the Garuda Star (Bintang Garuda). At least four of them were essentially military whereas the Star of the Republic of Indonesia and the Star of Mahaputera may have been bestowed to the army commanders. The connection of the award system with the rise of the Indonesian Army seems obvious. But the state apparatus of Indonesia included many officials who also needed visible signs of recognition. In 1963, President Sukarno instituted a new Order—the Bintang Jasa, or the Star of Service. It serves as a typical award for state officials, politicians and other Indonesian citizens as well as for foreign diplomats whose service to the Indonesian State is considered valuable.

Post-colonial state, and its political elites And its political approach, from ((1958 - 1968))

2019 ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Fawaz Hammad Mahmoud
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
British Occupation ◽  
The People ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The State of Iraq was formed in 1921 and described as a product of the British occupation state. This was in line with what was planned by the occupation government in all fields of intellectual, cultural and political. This resulted in the establishment of the "King of Iraq" of Arab origins, as well as contributed groups of tribal or economic influence to contribute to the establishment of the Iraqi state, where the Iraqi society was suffering from poverty and ignorance and disease under the Ottoman Empire, and others may see that the Iraqi state, which came under the umbrella Britain, after the First World War, may not differ in terms of dealing with the Iraqi society from the Ottoman administration, and may be a continuation of, and worse, and therefore there was concern, and fear of all steps of the government, even if it was positive, and increased military intervention through coups policy The state and its apparatus to calculate the dominant parties But it turned into a preoccupation with the minds of the people, the futility or futility of such coups, which are no more than conflicts between families, parties, and perhaps people, using the violence that the military led to express in the three coups which We gave it our attention in this study, which included, after this introduction, three investigations and a conclusion.

7. The military in African politics

2018 ◽  
pp. 81-93
Author(s):  
Ian Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Government ◽  
African Politics ◽  
Critical Importance ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Economic Crises ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

Since the 1960s, there have been more than 200 coups—extra-constitutional or forced changes in government—in Africa, with around half of them being successful. The period between the 1960s and 1990s was characterized by Cold War machinations, economic crises, and the growing de-legitimization of many post-colonial regimes. The majority of coups were followed by the formation of some type of military government, but after this diverse outcomes resulted. ‘The military in African politics’ outlines the nature of military rule and why there were so many coups. The fragility of the state and its tenuous hold on legitimacy, accentuated by the behaviour of those in power, is of critical importance.

scholarly journals Ingermanland Experiment: On the Background of the Government Reform of Peter the Great

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4 (202)) ◽  
pp. 139-160
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Redin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Radical Reform ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Swedish Experience ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Territorial Division

This article is devoted to the study of the formation of a management system in Ingermanland Province (the predecessor of St Petersburg Province) during the first years of its existence (1702–1708). The creation of the province was the first step towards a radical reform of the administrative and territorial division and local government of Russia. The author studies the process of creating key positions of the provincial apparatus of the upper and lower levels, primarily the provincial ober-commandant and landrichter and ober-commandant and commandant as heads of intra-regional territorial units, officials with highly specialised functions (commissars and food-masters (proviantmeistery). Considering the historical perspective, the author examines the principles of their interaction, the hierarchy, and terms of reference, concluding that the decisive influence on the formation of the state apparatus of Ingermanland Province was not provided by borrowing foreign (Baltic-German and Swedish) experience, but the specifics of solving current problems. The author considers the emerging principle of specialisation at the local state government level, primarily in the military and fiscal spheres, to be the main characteristic that distinguished the Ingermanland model from the previous voivodship administration. In the management methods as such, a significant role was played by traditional administrative principles and the regime of “manual control”, the adoption of situational decisions. All the advantages and disadvantages of the Ingermanland experiment were projected onto the state as a whole and consolidated during the provincial reform. Thus, the immediate source of the latter should be considered not the evolution of the system of enlarged districts (razryad) of the late seventeenth century, and not a generalisation of the experience of administering the Swedish Ostsee, but the achievements accumulated over several years of the functioning of Ingermanland Province.

scholarly journals A atuação dos intelectuais da libertação nas páginas da REB no período de 1972 a 1986

2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (311) ◽  
pp. 739
Author(s):  
Egberto Pereira dos Reis ◽  
José Carlos Rothen
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Bibliometric Analysis ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
The Military

O presente artigo tem como objetivo descrever como os intelectuais da libertação atuaram entre os anos de 1972 a 1986, descritos na Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira. Na Revista foi detectada a forma como estes intelectuais atuaram frente ao aparelho do Estado, especialmente no regime militar e com relação à Igreja “oficial”. Foi feita a chamada análise Bibliométrica com a finalidade de mensurar a revista, para levantar dados referentes à atuação de alguns autores no período mencionado. Foram levantados os seguintes itens: ano, mês, artigos/comunicação, título do artigo, formação acadêmica, vínculo institucional, titulação e categorização.Abstract: The present article aims to describe how the liberation intellectuals acted between the years 1972 to 1986, described in the Brazilian Ecclesiastical Magazine. In the magazine was detected how these intellectuals acted in front of the state apparatus, especially in the military regime and in relation to the “official” church. The so called Bibliometric analysis was done with the purpose of measuring the journal, in order to gather data referring to the performance of some authors in the aforementioned period. The following items were raised: Year, Month, Articles/Communication, Title of the article, Academic formation, Institutional Link, Titling and Categorization.Keywords: Intellectuals; REB Magazine; Catholic Church; Release.

Revolutions and Coups

2019 ◽  
pp. 12-45
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Civilian Control ◽  
Business Elite ◽  
The People ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
The Military ◽  
Regime Support ◽  
New Framework

Because the revolution in Egypt was directed at the state, it is important to properly conceptualize the state apparatus and the regime that ruled it. Thus, chapter 2 provides an overview of the literature on authoritarian regimes and explains why it is important to distinguish between states and regimes. Hosni Mubarak’s powerful presidency did not preclude the development of a diverse and unruly civil society, including tens of thousands of nongovernmental organizations. A new framework is employed in order to understand which parts of the state apparatus are most crucial during a period of revolutionary upheaval. It is important to distinguish between tools of the regime and pillars of support for the regime; the latter have the ability to either prop up or potentially withdraw their support. Mubarak relied on four pillars of regime support: the military, the business elite, the United States, and the acquiescence of the people. The chapter then turns to an overview of the literature on revolutions and military coups, which have usually been studied separately, as well as the literature on how establishing civilian control over the military constitutes the neuralgic point of democratic consolidation.

Five Decades of Democratic Decentralisation Process in Andhra Pradesh

Social Change ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-186
Author(s):  
Chinnala Bala Ramulu ◽  
Dandeboina Ravinder
Keyword(s):  
Andhra Pradesh ◽  
Development Process ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The State ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Committee Report ◽  
The Status ◽  
1960S And 1970S

The Andhra Pradesh is one of the two states in the country to initiate democratic decentralisation process on the lines of Balawanta Rai Mehata Committee Report in 1959. The process of decentralisation in the state can be broadly divided into six phases. In every phase, the successive government, except during 1960s and 1970s where the PRIs positions were occupied by the rural upper class and upper castes, evaded the implementation of its own expert committees’ recommendations and undermined the PRIs and their leadership. This is more so when the OBCs and weaker sections, during 1990s, entered into these institutions through reservation or in the open competition, the state has curtailed the powers, funds, functionaries and the status of PRIs and made them ‘decorative ornaments’ or ‘institutions’. There have been no serious efforts made by Government, during the last five decades, to make the decentralisation process more meaningful in terms of empowerment of citizens and improvement in the delivery of services at the local level and to alter the rural socio-economic structure. The state leadership, which is controlled by the upper caste and class over the years in the state, is not willing to allow the marginalised sections of the society to participate in the development process of the state. Therefore, the decentralisation process in the state has to be understood more from the class and caste perspectives, along with the other variables such as economic reforms, conditionality of donor countries. Thus, the genuine empowerment of marginalised sections and also PRIs in the state is still a work-in-progress.

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