scholarly journals Prasa radziecka wydawana w latach 30. XX w. w Republice Niemców Powołża. Wprowadzenie do zagadnienia i uwagi o języku

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 219-243
Author(s):  
Jolanta Mędelska

The soviet press in the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in the 1930s. Introduction to the topic and remarks regarding languageThe author presents in brief the most significant facts from the history of Germans in Russia (from the Manifesto of Catherine II through the formation of the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic), outlining on this background the activities of the German language press in the Russia and in the early Soviet Union, with a primary focus on the so-called new ethnicities policy and its consequences for the German minority.In the 1920s and 1930s in the VG ASSR, publication of books, textbooks, brochures, documents and reports in German began on a massive scale, especially press and propaganda materials. The new ethnicities policy of the Soviet authorities naturally boiled down to the rapid and proper indoctrination of ethnic minorities, "educating" them in the spirit of communist ideology. For the Bolshevik party newspapers were instruments of comprehensive propaganda and agitation.Until the mid-1920s, over 70 periodicals were published in German in the entire USSR. In the Volga German Republic, 21 newspapers were published in German, including the specialized Wolgadeutsches Schulblatt, Sei Bereit, Rote Jugend, but mainly press for the canton, the kolkhoz or sovkhoz level, and even papers for machinists (Tempo. Bolschewistisches Alltägl. Bulletin, Lenins Weg). Frequently the periodicals were published in Russian alongside a German-language version, e.g. Трудовая правда and Arbeiterwahrheit, as well as publications in Russian only, including Вперед к победе.The journalists' qualifications were very low. Periodicals frequently contained reports by "rabkors" (worker correspondents) and "selkors" (village correspondents), people for whom only very recently had been quite far removed from pouring out their thoughts on paper. The pages of the papers reflected the degradation of the German language used in the USSR, its mixing with Russianisms, especially Sovietisms, including peculiar acronyms (e.g. Ambar, Arbuse, Batrake, Otlitschnik, Partorg, Smytschka, Rote Tafel, Schwarze Tafel, KK der AP(B)SU, KVA der ASSR der WD, MTS). Prasa radziecka wydawana w latach 30. XX w. w Republice Niemców Powołża. Wprowadzenie do zagadnienia i uwagi o językuAutorka przedstawiła pokrótce najważniejsze fakty z historii Niemców rosyjskich (od Manifestu Katarzyny II po powołanie Autonomicznej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej Niemców Powołża), zarysowując na tym tle dzieje prasy niemieckojęzycznej w Rosji i wczesnym ZSRR. Skupiła się głównie na tzw. nowej leninowskiej polityce narodowościowej i jej konsekwencjach dla mniejszości niemieckiej.W latach 20. i 30. XX w. w ASRR NP zaczęto masowo drukować po niemiecku książki, podręczniki, broszury, dokumenty, sprawozdania, zwłaszcza zaś materiały propagandowe i prasę. Nowa polityka narodowościowa władz radzieckich sprowadzała się oczywiście do szybkiego i sprawnego indoktrynowania mniejszości narodowych, „wychowywania” ich w duchu ideologii komunistycznej. Dla partii bolszewickiej gazety były zbiorowym propagandystą i agitatorem. Do połowy lat 20. XX w. drukowano w całym ZSRR ponad 70 periodyków niemieckojęzycznych. W Republice Niemców Powołża wydawano 21 gazet w języku niemieckim, m.in. specjalistyczne „Wolgadeutsches Schulblatt”, „Sei bereit”, „Rote Jugend”, głównie jednak prasę kantonową, kołchozową, sowchozową, a nawet gazety ośrodków maszynowych („Lenins Weg”, „Tempo. Bolschewistisches Alltägl. Bulletin”). Często wydawano gazety w języku rosyjskim i ich wersje niemieckojęzyczne, np. „Трудовая правда” i „Arbeiterwahrheit”. Wychodziła też prasa w języku rosyjskim, m.in. „Вперед к победе”. Kwalifikacje dziennikarzy były niskie. Gazety nagminnie zamieszczały relacje tzw. „rabkorów” (korespondentów robotniczych) i „sielkorów” (korespondentów wiejskich), ludzi do niedawna bardzo dalekich od przelewania myśli na papier. Na łamach prasy odzwierciedliła się degradacja języka niemieckiego w ZSRR, jego zaśmiecenie rusycyzmami, zwłaszcza sowietyzmami, w tym osobliwymi skrótowcami (np. Ambar, Arbuse, Batrake, Otlitschnik, Partorg, Smytschka, Rote Tafel, Schwarze Tafel, KK der AP(B)SU, KVA der ASSR der WD, MTS).

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 241-260
Author(s):  
Piotr Kościński

In Eastern European countries, history plays an important role for social and political reasons. In Belarus, it is used instrumentally, and recent attempts to demonstrate the negative impact of Poland and Poles on the country’s history may, although not necessarily, be used in current political activities. The government and President Alexander Lukashenko treat the historical picture of the history of their country in relations with Poland as a derivative of the basic assumption: the first Belarusian state was the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), which they assess positively, just like (with various reservations) the entire Soviet Union. The positive assessment of the USSR and the Belarusian SSR creates an ideological basis for strengthening their power inside the country and building positive assessments of today’s Russia and cooperation with Russia.


Author(s):  
О.С. Каденюк

The article, on the example of Volyn, analyzes the activities of public organizations in the Ukrainian ethnic lands that became part of Poland and the Soviet Union after the signing of the Riga peace treaty. These lands were the reflection of the most tragic pages in the history of Ukraine. More than once, they have played an extraordinary role in the history of the entire Ukrainian people, which has been reflected in his fate. The defeat of national liberation competitions in 1917 - 1921 and the tragic consequences of these events for the Ukrainian statehood turned Volyn into a specific socio-political and geopolitical region. The events in these territories, as well as the policies of the governments of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the USSR and the Second Commonwealth, were decisive for the Ukrainian population living on ethnic Ukrainian lands and those who found themselves in other countries. Our research suggests that the socio-economic processes in Volyn during the interwar period were an interesting social phenomenon when Ukrainians were immigrants in their ethnic lands among Ukrainians. The line of the Soviet-Polish border, which was the frontier of the opposition, attracted the most active participants in the national liberation struggle, who continued it under new conditions of statelessness, political and ideological pressure, persecution and repression by the smelling regimes. Work and activity in the interwar period of prominent political figures of the UNR era, religious, cultural and educational figures in the territory of Western Volyn, was of great importance not only for the population of the region, but also for the Ukrainian people.In the Volyn lands, the Orthodox Church had a huge influence on the people, Christian morality in the interwar period acted as the dominant ideology. No political party or NGO has had such an impact on the masses as the church. Understanding this, the Ukrainian clergy not only defended the Orthodox faith on both sides of the borders that divided Volhynia, but also nurtured national consciousness, language, and culture.


Author(s):  
Vasyl Botushanskyi

The life course and major milestones of the scientific activity of the famous Ukrainian historian, doctor of historical sciences, professor, dean of the faculty of history, political science and international relations of the Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University – Oleksandr Volodymyrovych Dobrzhanskyi are revealed in the article.  It is emphasized that under the influence of his father, Oleksandr chose to be a historian. Having a desire for historical and local lore, interest in historical studies, he entered postgraduate study (correspondence form of study), and since 1982 he went to work at Chernivtsi University as an assistant at the then Department of History of the Soviet Union and Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic of History Faculty. In 1986 he defended his PhD thesis (on the history of economic cooperation of the Soviet Ukraine with the Baltic republics), since 1990 – an associate professor, since 1993 – at the Department of History of Ukraine (created in 1990). Since 1999 – professor.  In 1999, O.V. Dobrzhanskyi published a monograph entitled “The National Movement of Bukovyna Ukrainians in the Second Half of the XIXth – Beginning of the XXth Century”, in which he thoroughly revealed the socio-economic, political, legal, national and religious status of Bukovyna Ukrainians, their cultural and educational level.  Important place in the historical studies of O.V. Dobrzanskyi is occupied by the problem of the struggle of Ukrainians of Bukovyna, as well as of Galicia and Transcarpathia, and of the strengthening of their own state in the conditions of the First World War and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The article analyzes the scientific achievements of O.V. Dobrzhanskyi, which has over 240 published scientific articles and 9 monographs on current issues of Ukrainian history. And it is also noted that O.V. Dobrzhanskyi is a well-known organizer of historical science in the western region of Ukraine. Keywords: Oleksandr Volodymyrovych Dobrzhanskyi, Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, scientific publication


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Andrejs Gusachenko ◽  
Vineta Kleinberga

Abstract On 18 November 1918, the independent Republic of Latvia was declared in an extremely complicated international and domestic environment—the First World War was still going on, empires were collapsing, and ethnically and ideologically diverse military troops were fighting within the boundaries of Latvian territory. Despite the historical context of a previously tense relationship between Latvians and other ethnic groups, representatives of all minorities fought next to Latvians against the enemies of the Latvian state. Up until 11 August 1920, when the Peace Treaty with the Soviet Russia was signed, the prospects of de jure recognition of the newly established state were blurred; yet, the defeat of the White forces in the Russian Civil War opened the long awaited “window of opportunity”, as a result of which Latvia managed to achieve its international recognition on 26 January 1921. More than seventy years later, on 4 May 1990, when the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Supreme Council of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), the international and domestic situation was no less complicated. Latvia was forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 and became part of it, yet the economic and political deterioration of the Soviet Union, the national awakening in the Baltic States and other Soviet republics alongside the fall of the Berlin Wall gave momentum for the regime to change. On 21 August 1991, after the barricades and bloody clashes with the Soviet Special Purpose Police Units (OMON) in Riga on January and the failed coup d’état in Moscow in August, Latvia’s independence once again became a reality. In the events of the 1990s, the memories of 1918 and Latvia’s independence in the period between the two world wars were crucial. It is manifested by the fact that Latvian statehood in 1991 was not established anew but restored. Acknowledging the importance of history on contemporary identification and policy-making, this article aims to provide an insight into the history of 1917–1922 and its resonance in the contemporary situation. Using the methodology of literature analysis and historical process-tracing it will reveal the complicated process of the state’s formation and recognition in the period of 1917–1922, paying particular attention to the role of the minorities and diplomatic efforts. It will also uncover the resonance of the events of 1918–1922 in the 1990s, when Latvia’s independence from the Soviet Union was declared, focusing in particular on aspects defining the statehood of Latvia and its citizenship. In this part, it will be argued that the history of 1917–1922 was brought back when the statehood of Latvia was concerned, while overshadowed by fifty years of the Soviet occupation, when the citizenship issue was on the agenda. Indeed, not only ethnic Latvians but also minorities living in Latvia played a decisive role in the efforts of restoring Latvia’s independence. However, as a result of the Citizenship Law,1 adopted in 1994, more than one-fourth of the population—in most cases, representatives of the Russian-speaking community—were denied citizenship. This practice contrasts the Act that had been adopted in the interwar period, when Latvian citizenship was granted to all ethnic groups who were living within the borders of the then agreed Latvian territory, notwithstanding their diverse ideological background. Given this fact, the article provides future research opportunities related to perceptions of history in contemporary policy-making.


Author(s):  
Victoria Smolkin

When the Bolsheviks set out to build a new world in the wake of the Russian Revolution, they expected religion to die off. Soviet power used a variety of tools—from education to propaganda to terror—to turn its vision of a Communist world without religion into reality. Yet even with its monopoly on ideology and power, the Soviet Communist Party never succeeded in overcoming religion and creating an atheist society. This book presents the first history of Soviet atheism from the 1917 revolution to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. The book argues that to understand the Soviet experiment, we must make sense of Soviet atheism. It shows how atheism was reimagined as an alternative cosmology with its own set of positive beliefs, practices, and spiritual commitments. Through its engagements with religion, the Soviet leadership realized that removing religion from the “sacred spaces” of Soviet life was not enough. Then, in the final years of the Soviet experiment, Mikhail Gorbachev—in a stunning and unexpected reversal—abandoned atheism and reintroduced religion into Soviet public life. The book explores the meaning of atheism for religious life, for Communist ideology, and for Soviet politics.


Author(s):  
Ilkhomjon M. Saidov ◽  

The article is devoted to the participation of natives of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic in the Baltic operation of 1944. The author states that Soviet historiography did not sufficiently address the problem of participation of individual peoples of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War, and therefore their feat remained undervalued for a long time. More specifically, according to the author, 40–42% of the working age population of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic fought on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War. Such figure was typical only for a limited number of countries participating in the anti-fascist coalition. Analyzing the participation of Soviet Uzbekistan citizens in the battles for the Baltic States, the author shows that the 51st and 71st guards rifle divisions, which included many natives of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic, were particularly distinguished. Their heroic deeds were noted by the soviet leadership – a number of Uzbek guards were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. In addition, Uzbekistanis fought as part of partisan detachments – both in the Baltic States, Belarus, Ukraine, the Western regions of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and Moldova. Many Uzbek partisans were awarded the medal “Partisan of the Patriotic War” of I and II degrees.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Melissa Chakars

This article examines the All-Buryat Congress for the Spiritual Rebirth and Consolidation of the Nation that was held in the Buryat Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in February 1991. The congress met to discuss the future of the Buryats, a Mongolian people who live in southeastern Siberia, and to decide on what actions should be taken for the revival, development, and maintenance of their culture. Widespread elections were carried out in the Buryat lands in advance of the congress and voters selected 592 delegates. Delegates also came from other parts of the Soviet Union, as well as from Mongolia and China. Government administrators, Communist Party officials, members of new political parties like the Buryat-Mongolian People’s Party, and non-affiliated individuals shared their ideas and political agendas. Although the congress came to some agreement on the general goals of promoting Buryat traditions, language, religions, and culture, there were disagreements about several of the political and territorial questions. For example, although some delegates hoped for the creation of a larger Buryat territory that would encompass all of Siberia’s Buryats within a future Russian state, others disagreed revealing the tension between the desire to promote ethnic identity and the practical need to consider economic and political issues.


Author(s):  
D. V. Repnikov

The article is devoted to such an important aspect of the activities of the plenipotentiaries of the State Defensive Committee during the Great Patriotic War, as conflicts of authority. Contradictions between the plenipotentiaries of the State Defensive Committee and the leaders of party, state, economic bodies at various levels, as well as between the plenipotentiaries themselves, that were expressed in the emergence of various disputes and often resulted in conflicts of authority, became commonplace in the functioning of the state power system of the USSR in the war period. Based on documents from federal (State Archive of the Russian Federation, Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, Russian State Archive of Economics) and regional (Central State Archive of the Udmurt Republic, Center for Documentation of the Recent History of the Udmurt Republic) archives, the author considers a conflict of authority situation that developed during the Great Patriotic War in the Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which shows that historical reality is more complicated than the stereotypical manifestations of it.


Al-Farabi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 154-167
Author(s):  
А. Aitenova ◽  
◽  
S. Kairatuly ◽  

The authors of the article make an attempt to analyze the events that took place on December 17–18, 1986 in the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic, using the methodology of “cultural trauma”. The December events are defined as a multifaceted social and humanitarian problem. It is shown that the December events must be assessed comprehensively as a historical, social, humanitarian phenomenon. The reasons for the December events were determined by the dismissal of Dinmukhamed Akhmedovich Kunayev, the crisis of communist political ideology, the political, economic voluntarism of totalitarian power, the narrowing of the scope of the Kazakh language, the ecological crisis of Soviet Kazakhstan, the emergence of the history of the third generation of the Soviet people. In general, the December events are viewed as an open form of healing the mental wounds of the Kazakh people inflicted by the administrative decisions of the Soviet red empire. Despite the fact that the December events as a social phenomenon are more than a quarter of a century old, the Decembrists and their activity do not leave the agenda in the public consciousness. The importance of using the December events as a universal tool in the formation of various forms of social practice is growing. The conceptualization of this point of view in the article is determined by the representation of the lessons of the December events in contemporary Kazakh art (sculpture, cinema, literature, theater). At the same time, the article also shows that the representation of the December events in art is the form and content of the “healing” of the trauma of the December events.


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