‘The Government Should Be Ashamed’: On the Possibility of Organisations’ Emotional Duties

2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-829 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Collins
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Moral Value ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Functional Components ◽  
In Virtue Of

When we say that ‘the government should be ashamed’, can we be taken literally? I argue that we can: organisations have duties over their emotions. Emotions have both functional and felt components. Often, emotions’ moral value derives from their functional components: from what they cause and what causes them. In these cases, organisations can have emotional duties in the same way that they can have duties to act. However, emotions’ value partly derives from their felt components. Organisations lack feelings, but can have duties to increase the likelihood that their members have relevant emotions (with the right felt components), in virtue of and in accordance with their role in the organisation. To systematise these conclusions, I provide a taxonomy of organisations’ – and individuals’ organisationally situated – emotional duties. This taxonomy will enable scholars of electoral politics, international politics and public policy to systematically integrate emotions into the study of organisations.

scholarly journals THE IMPLEMENTATION OF INDONESIA’S PUBLIC POLICY TO IMMIGRATION SELECTIVE POLICY BASED ON LAW NO. 6 OF 2011

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-178
Author(s):  
Muhammad Azzam Alfarizi
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Service Needs ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right ◽  
Service Standards

The inherent right of the individual is an affirmation that human beings must be treated properly and civilized and must be respected, as the sounding of the second precept is: "Just and Civilized Humanity". Human rights are manifestations of the third principle, namely: "Indonesian Unity". If all rights are fulfilled, reciprocally the unity and integrity will be created. Rights are also protected and upheld as is the agreement of the fourth precepts that reads: "Democracy Led by Wisdom in Consultation / Representation". Human Rights also recognizes the right of every person for the honor and protection of human dignity and dignity, which is in accordance with the fifth precepts which read: "Social Justice for All Indonesian People" PASTI Values ​​which are the core values ​​of the Ministry of Law and Human Rights which is an acronym of Professional, Accountable, Synergistic, Transparent and Innovative is an expression of the performance of the immigration apparatus in providing human rights based services. If these values ​​are in line with the values ​​contained in Pancasila, the criteria for evaluating human rights-based public services are based on the accessibility and availability of facilities; the availability of alert officers and compliance of officials, employees, and implementers of Service Standards for each service area will be easily achieved. It is fitting that immigration personnel in providing services must be in accordance with the principles of human rights-based services and in harmony with the Pancasila philosophy. This is as an endeavor in fulfilling service needs in accordance with the mandate of the 1945 Constitution, provisions of applicable laws and human rights principles for every citizen and population for services provided by the government in this case Immigration.  

scholarly journals The system of government and the opposition in Poland after the 2015 parliamentary elections

2021 ◽  
pp. 210-237
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Machelski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Government ◽  
Veto Points ◽  
The Right

The category of the system of government in Poland requires reference to ‘the governance style’ of the right, and to the tendency that has appeared in international politics in recent years to call it populist nationalism. The objective of this paper is to show that in the case of Poland after 2015, the thesis of the retreat of democracy has no factual grounds, and it can be countered through the use of evidence. The system of government in Poland after the Law and Justice party came to power cannot be described as a contradiction to democracy. Citizens are not being manipulated and deceived. They are aware of the content of decisions made by the executive branch. The opposition is able to act freely, and it is supported by independent private media. There are many veto points in the political system. The government can count on public support that is stronger than that of the governments from the period before 2015.

scholarly journals KONSTITUSIONALITAS KEBIJAKAN NEW NORMAL DALAM PERLINDUNGAN HAK HIDUP WARGA NEGARA

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Ruth Crista Vanesa Hariyanto
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Right To Life ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
New Normal ◽  
Existing Problems ◽  
Natural Law Theory ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

<p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong><strong></strong></p><p><em>This study aims to answer two problems: first, outlining the correlation of the Right to Life with Economic Rights in New Nornal Policy; and  secondly, analyzing theConstitutionality of New Normal Policy</em>. <em>The policy created during the Covid-19 Pandemic not infrequently reaping contracdictions. Especially the last one echoed by the governments is the existence of a New Normal Policy which is actually considered unconstitutional because with this policy the government is felt to have ignored the right of Right to Life of citizen and priorited Economic Right. For this reason, this article uses natural law theory as a means of interpretation of two existing problems. In accordance with this, this acricle argues that the New Normal Policy is a constitutional policy because it is in accordance with the spirit of Article 28A UUD NRI 1945. </em></p><p><em>Keywords</em>: <em>Human Rights, New Normal, Public Policy, Constitutionalism</em><em>.</em></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjawab dua permasalahan: pertama, menguraikan korelasi Hak untuk Hidup dengan Hak Ekonomi dalam Kebijakan Nornal Baru; dan kedua, menganalisis Konstitusionalitas Kebijakan Normal Baru. Kebijakan yang dibuat saat Pandemi Covid-19 tak jarang menuai kontradiksi. Terlebih yang terakhir digaungkan oleh pemerintah adalah adanya New Normal Policy yang justru dinilai inkonstitusional karena dengan kebijakan ini pemerintah dirasa telah mengabaikan hak atas Hak Hidup warga negara dan mengutamakan Hak Ekonomi. Untuk itulah, artikel ini menggunakan teori hukum kodrat sebagai alat interpretasi dari dua masalah yang ada. Sejalan dengan hal tersebut, acricle ini berpendapat bahwa New Normal Policy merupakan kebijakan konstitusional karena sesuai dengan semangat Pasal 28A UUD NRI 1945.</p><p>Kata Kunci: Hak Asasi Manusia, Normal Baru, Kebijakan Publik, Konstitusionalisme.</p>

scholarly journals Athafnafólk í opinberri stefnumótun á óvissutímum: Hvernig hugmyndin um notendastýrða persónulega aðstoð varð að veruleika á Íslandi

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 277
Author(s):  
Sigurbjörg Sigurgeirsdóttir
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Policy Changes ◽  
Personal Assistance ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Government ◽  
American Political Scientist ◽  
The Right

This research seeks to explain a landmark change in the provision of public services for people with disabilities in Iceland. Public policy has for long been characterized by incremental changes. Every now and then, major policy changes take place and longstanding policy objectives pushed by interest groups come through. Agenda-setting theories seek to explain major policy changes by focusing on how and why a policy issue gets on governments ́ agenda at a given point in time. The American political scientist, John W. Kingdon, presented his theory of three streams and the window of opportunity some 30 years ago. European scientists maintain in their recent research that Kingdon ́s approach is helpful in shedding light on how the political system in which public policy-making takes place operates and how behaviour and strategies of those participating in the process influence the outcome. This qualitative research examines how the idea about user-driven personal assistance came to fruition in Iceland. The study is based on existing data and interviews with key people involved in the policy development leading to the decision to implement the programme of user-driven personal assistance. The research describes how and why this idea reached the government agenda and came to be implemented by Icelandic authorities. The conclusions show how the process of decentralisation opened opportunities for a new ideology which benefitted service users, and business as well as political interests. The conclusions indicate that not only was there a right man at the right place at the right time, but it provides theoretical explanations about what characterises policy entrepreneurs and how and why their activities matter in times of uncertainty.

scholarly journals Putting Distribution First

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Hockett
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Social Aggregation ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
Policy Analysts ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Right ◽  
In Virtue Of

It is common for normative legal theorists, economists and other policy analysts to conduct and communicate their work mainly in maximizing terms. They take the maximization of welfare, for example, or of wealth or utility, to be primary objectives of legislation and public policy. Few if any of these theorists seem to notice, however, that any time we speak explicitly of maximizing one thing, we speak implicitly of distributing other things and of equalizing yet other things. Fewer still seem to recognize that we effectively define ourselves by reference to that which we distribute and equalize. For it is in virtue of that which we distribute and equalize that our policy formulations treat us as politically “counting” or “mattering” for purposes of social aggregation and maximization.To attend systematically to this form of inter-translatability, with a view in particular to that which maximization formulations latently prescribe that we distribute and equalize, might be called “putting distribution first.” It is explicitly to recognize the fact that all law and policy are implicitly as equalizing and citizen-defining as they are aggregative and maximizing, and to trace the many salient consequences that stem from this fact. It is likewise to recognize that all law and policy treat us as equals in some respects and as non-equals in other respects. Putting distribution first by attending explicitly to these “respects” yields greater transparency about how well or poorly our laws and policies manage to identify, count, and treat us as equals in the right respects.This Article works to lay out with care how to put distribution first in normative legal and policy analysis. The payoffs include both a workable method by which to test proposed maximization norms systematically for their normative propriety, and an attractive distributive ethic that can serve as a workable normative touchstone for legal and policy analysis. Indeed, the Article concludes, much — though not yet quite all — of our law can illuminatingly be interpreted as giving inchoate expression to just such an ethic.

EFFECT OF DIGITAL COMMUNITY TOWARDS DEMOCRACY PROCESS: DIGITAL PARTISIPATION ANALYSIS IN INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alih Aji Nugroho
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
Digital Society ◽  
Digital World ◽  
Digital Community ◽  
The Government

The world is entering a new phase of the digital era, including Indonesia. The unification of the real world and cyberspace is a sign, where the conditions of both can influence each other (Hyung Jun, 2018). The patterns of behavior and public relations in the virtual universe gave rise to new social interactions called the Digital Society. One part of Global Megatrends has also influenced public policy in Indonesia in recent years. Critical mass previously carried out conventionally is now a virtual movement. War of hashtags, petitions, and digital community comments are new tools and strategies for influencing policy. This paper attempts to analyze the extent of digital society's influence on public policy in Indonesia. As well as what public policy models are needed. Methodology used in this analysis is qualitative descriptive. Data collection through literature studies by critical mass digital recognition in Indonesia and trying to find a relationship between political participation through social media and democracy. By processing the pro and contra views regarding the selection of social media as a level of participation, this paper finds that there are overlapping interests that have the potential to distort the articulation of freedom of opinion and participation. - which is characteristic of a democratic state. The result is the rapid development of digital society which greatly influences the public policy process. Digital society imagines being able to participate formally in influencing policy in Indonesia. The democracy that developed in the digital society is cyberdemocracy. Public space in the digital world must be guaranteed security and its impact on the policies that will be determined. The recommendation given to the government is that a cyber data analyst is needed to oversee the issues that are developing in the digital world. Regulations related to the security of digital public spaces must be maximized. The government maximizes cooperation with related stakeholders.Keywords: Digital Society; Democracy; Public policy; Political Participation

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

THE IDEA OF «COMMUNITY» IN THE GOVERNMENT CONCEPTS OF GALICIA OF THE XIX – BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY

2019 ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Liubomyr Ilyn
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Legal Principle ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the views of social and political thinkers of Galicia in the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. on the right and manner of organizing a nation-state as a cathedral. Method. The methodology includes a set of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive. The problem-chronological approach made it possible to identify the main stages of the evolution of the content of the idea of catholicity in Galicia's legal thought of the 19th century. Results. It is established that the idea of catholicity, which was borrowed from church terminology, during the nineteenth century. acquired clear legal and philosophical features that turned it into an effective principle of achieving state unity and integrity. For the Ukrainian statesmen of the 19th century. the idea of catholicity became fundamental in view of the separation of Ukrainians between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. The idea of unity of Ukrainians of Galicia and the Dnieper region, formulated for the first time by the members of the Russian Trinity, underwent a long evolution and received theoretical reflection in the work of Bachynsky's «Ukraine irredenta». It is established that catholicity should be understood as a legal principle, according to which decisions are made in dialogue, by consensus, and thus able to satisfy the absolute majority of citizens of the state. For Galician Ukrainians, the principle of unity in the nineteenth century. implemented through the prism of «state» and «international» approaches. Scientific novelty. The main stages of formation and development of the idea of catholicity in the views of social and political figures of Halychyna of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries are highlighted in the work. and highlighting the distinctive features of «national statehood» that they promoted and understood as possible in the process of unification of Ukrainian lands into one state. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.

COMMONWEALTH Forum: The Politics of Science or the Science of Politics

Commonwealth ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Arway
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Natural Resource ◽  
Factual Information ◽  
The Past ◽  
Difference Of Opinion ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Scientific Facts ◽  
Environmental Agency ◽  
Laws And Regulations

The challenges of including factual information in public policy and political discussions are many. The difficulties of including scientific facts in these debates can often be frustrating for scientists, politicians and policymakers alike. At times it seems that discussions involve different languages or dialects such that it becomes a challenge to even understand one another’s position. Oftentimes difference of opinion leads to laws and regulations that are tilted to the left or the right. The collaborative balancing to insure public and natural resource interests are protected ends up being accomplished through extensive litigation in the courts. In this article, the author discusses the history of environmental balancing during the past three decades from the perspective of a field biologist who has used the strength of our policies, laws and regulations to fight for the protection of our Commonwealth’s aquatic resources. For the past 7 years, the author has taken over the reins of “the most powerful environmental agency in Pennsylvania” and charted a course using science to properly represent natural resource interests in public policy and political deliberations.

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