Champ religieux et champ politique dans la société singhalaise

1973 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-138
Author(s):  
François Houtart
Keyword(s):  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Empirical Reality ◽  
Catholic University ◽  
Religious System ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Mode Of Production

The article summarizes a study presented by the author as a doctoral thesis at the Catholic University of Louvain. The approach adopted consists in establishing a theoretical and conceptual framework which would take into account corres ponding relationships among the different systems of the society, at the origin of which is the mode of economic production. The origin of changes and tensions among systems in their fundamental aspects is to be found in chanqes in the mode of production. It is this which leads us to establish three models of society : agrarian, transitional, industrial. The heuristic framework established serves as a hypothesis of work for approaching the empirical reality. Key periods in Sinhalese society were studied and chosen in terms of significant changes such as the adoption of Buddhism, the two colonisations (Portuguese and English) and independence. The main conclusions of the study of these different periods is given in the article. The introduction of Buddhism a little after the establishment of the first Kingdom would correspond to the dysfunctional character of Brahminism in the new type of society demanded by the new orqanization of production. The study of Kandyan feudality in the XVIIIth century provides a parameter for the analysis of the effects of two types of colonisation Kandyan feudality further offers a typical case of a unique structure with almost completely corresponding expressions in the mode of production, the social system. the political organization and the religious system. The difference between the two colonisations consists in the fact that the Portuguese expressed their ideology in religious terms and iustified their conquest on religious grounds

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Social ◽  
Fundamental Challenge ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

This chapter gives introduces the gilet jaunes. The gilets jaunes, a group of French protesters named after their iconic yellow vests donned during demonstrations, have formed a new type of social movement. The gilets jaunes have been variously interpreted since they began their occupation of French roundabouts. They were at first received with enthusiasm on the right of the French political establishment, and with caution on the left. The fourth weekend saw scenes of violence erupt on the Champs Élysées, notably around and within the Arc de Triomphe, which towers over the first roundabout built in France. The headlines of newspapers and stories of the news media became almost exclusively focused on the violence of the protests. Images of state violence became ever-present on Twitter and independent media outlets, making it clear that it was the use of disproportionate force by police units that was at the centre of the events. The chapter explains that the aim of the book is to show that the use of violence is not the only tale to be told about the role of the protesters in the contemporary French context. Their contribution to the political landscape of France is quite different. They have provided a fundamental challenge to the social contract in France, the implicit pact between the governed and their political leaders. The movement has seen the numbers of participants diminish over time, but the underlying tension between the haves and the have-nots, the winners of globalization and those at risk of déclassement [social downgrading], are enduring and persistent.

scholarly journals The Political Knowledge of University Students (A Comparative Study between Jordan and Libya)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Alfeetouri Salih Mohammed Alsati ◽  
Al-Sayed Abd ulmutallab Ghanem
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Parental Education ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The University

The current research aims at identifying and measuring the political knowledge of the students of the two universities of Al- Balqaa in Jordan and Omar Al- Mokhtar in Libya. The two communities are almost similar in terms of the social formation, Arab customs and traditions, the Bedouin values, the difference in the institutional age and the political stability.The study attempts to measure and compare the political knowledge in the communities of the two universities using the descriptive and comparative analytical method. The study uses a 400 random questionnaire of 30 paragraphs to measure eight indicators divided into internal and external political knowledge, and other aspects of knowledge: general political knowledge, knowledge of the political institutions and leaders, the political interest, the geographical and historical knowledge, and knowledge of the methods of exercising the political process. The study also attempts to identifying the most important sources and the role of the university in university students’ political knowledge.The results show that the level of the political knowledge is medium while its level in the sample of the Jordanian students is high. According to the samples, the internal political knowledge is more than the external knowledge with a lack of interest in the political matters. The samples do not consider the political matters as their priorities. The political knowledge as a whole needs to much effort to be exerted to confront the current circumstances. The variables of the place of resident, age and the educational level make big difference in the political knowledge. In contrast, the level of the parental education does not create big differences.

Towards a New International Technological Order

1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Galtung
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Alternative Technologies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Physical Presence ◽  
Linear Movement ◽  
To Come ◽  
Capital Intensive ◽  
Mode Of Production

The main thesis of the paper is that technology is not merely a mode of production and therefore neutral; it carries within it a code of structures - economic, social, cultural, and also cognitive. The economic code that inheres in Western Technology demands that industries be capital-intensive, research-intensive, organization-intensive and labour-extensive. On the social plane, the code creates a ‘centre’ and a ‘periphery’, thus perpetuating a structure of inequality. In the cultural arena, it sees the West as entrusted by destiny with the mission of casting the rest of the world in its own mould. In the cognitive field, it sees man as the master of nature, the vertical and individualistic relations between human beings as the normal and natural, and history as a linear movement of progress. The transfer of Western technology is thus a structural-cultural invasion, which is not clearly seen as such parly because it is not accompanied by the West's physical presence (as in the days of colonialism), and partly because the fragmentation inherent in Western technology fragments the perception of the total picture. For techniques that create different structures to come into their own, a very clear perception of the interlocking of technology and structures is needed. Also needed is the political will to use alternative technologies as an instrument to bring about a structural change.

Wanneer politiek onvermijdelijk wordt: Van gemeenschapskunst naar gemene kunst

Forum+ ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Hanka Otte ◽  
Pascal Gielen
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Art ◽  
Personal Taste ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Art ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Personal Effect ◽  
The Many

Abstract In dit artikel belichten Hanka Otte en Pascal Gielen het onderscheid tussen gemeenschapskunst en gemene kunst, beter bekend als community art en commoning art. Hun stelling is dat gemeenschapskunst, zoals sociaal-artistieke projecten, deels gesubsidieerd worden omdat ze de maatschappelijke status quo bevestigen. Gemene kunst zet daarentegen niet alleen in op het sociale, maar ook op het politieke, en valt daarom vaak tussen de mazen van het vigerende cultuurbeleid. Dat beleid vermijdt volgens de auteurs het politieke, doordat het kunst enkel van publieke waarde acht wanneer het door zoveel mogelijk individuen wordt geconsumeerd. De persoonlijke smaak of persoonlijke werking van kunst staat voorop in het cultuurbeleid, waardoor er wordt voorbijgegaan aan de mogelijkheden die kunst aan een gemeenschap biedt. De auteurs pleiten daarom voor een gemeen cultuurbeleid dat enkel kaders geeft en artistieke ontwikkelingen autonoom hun gang laat gaan. In this article, Hanka Otte and Pascal Gielen examine the difference between community art and commoning art. They argue that community art, like social art, is subsidised in part because it reinforces the societal status quo. Because commoning art, by contrast, not only commits itself to the social, but to the political as well, it tends to fall between the cracks of the current cultural policy. According to Otte and Gielen, this policy turns a blind eye on politics, presuming that only art that is consumed by as many individuals as possible is of any public value. Our cultural policy puts personal taste or art's personal effect centre stage, thus ignoring the many things art has to offer the community. Hence the author's plea for a commoning cultural policy that provides only a framework and that lets artists develop autonomously.

Feudalism and the Tatar Polity of the Middle Ages

1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Krader
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nomadic Pastoralists ◽  
The Social ◽  
Cultural World ◽  
The Middle Ages

During the first millenium A.D. a series of states were formed by Turkic and Mongol peoples, the nomadic pastoralists of the Asian steppes - the Tatars of European and Chinese record. These political enterprises enlarged their scope and power during the period of a millenium, reaching a climax in the empire of Chingis Khan in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; from this climactic achievement they have since declined. The social and political organization as well as the economy of these peoples are at once simple and complex, primitive and advanced. The characterization of this cultural world has been given focus in a sharp controversy, the controversy over the establishment and internal ordering of the political system.

scholarly journals Chancellor A. Merkel's “Secret of Power”: Genesis (2005 ‒ 2013)

2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Timoshenkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
The Difference ◽  
To Come

The article is a study of the political phenomenon of German Chancellor A. Merkel, her special style of governance, objective factors and personal qualities that contributed to the construction of a long and successful career. The author analyzes in detail the period of governmental coalitions of the CDU/CSU with the SPD (2005‒2009) and the FDP (2009‒2013). It was the experience that had the greatest influence on the shaping of her image as a first female Chancellor of Germany. The theory of the difference between women's leadership and men's leadership is used in this paper. Through the prism of this theory we analyze the ways of struggle for leadership. The beginning of Merkel's career and the period of her ministerial activity were characterized by a harsh treatment of her rivals. Later she learned to do it in a softer way. The image of a consensual, supraparty leader, who knows how to find a compromise, is the result of Merkel's conscious work on herself. The need to be chancellor of a “grand coalition” and to cooperate with the SPD, an almost equal partner in terms of strength, contributed greatly to such a leadership style. The second legislative period helped A. Merkel to acquire the qualities of a “crisis manager”. In the conclusion of the article it is concluded that the basis of A. Merkel's political survival was the ability to learn quickly and adapt during various difficulties. From this point of view, the Frau Chancellor's main “teacher” was her first rival, the Social Democrat H. Schroeder. It was his political fate that allowed Merkel to come to a conclusion about the need to combine the post of chancellor and party leadership, which allowed her to stay in power for 16 years.

scholarly journals Iran

1985 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-61
Author(s):  
Tahir Amin
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Major Objective ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Type ◽  
Economic Developments ◽  
Political Scene

INTRODUCTIONPolitical and economic developments in the post revolutionary Iranpresent a special dilemma to outside observers in general and to socialscientists in particular as many developments do not seem to fit theusualpolitical and economic categories with which the social scientists arenormally familiar. As a result, most analysts of contemporary Iran,approaching the reality from the rigidly preconceived conceptual lenses,tend to grossly distort the actual picture. The contemporary situation inIran is usually portrayed as one of utter chaos and turmoil with little orno hope for any progress in the future. It is seen as ruled by “emptyheadkid”,“conservative”, “brutal,” and “incompetent” mullahs who arebent upon destroying any signs of progress and civilization. Eventhe moderate analysts who seem to be less preoccupied with their biasesand more cognizant of the new realities, appear to dismiss any long-termconsequences of the current changes taking place in contemporary Iran.My major objective in the following pages is to develop an alternativeimage of the same reality. I argue here that slowly and gradually, a newpolitical and economic order is emerging in Iran, whose broad objectivesand outlines are clear. A major distinguishing characteristic of thisorder is its public welfarist orientation with special attention to thelower-middle and lower classes. And this order has the potential of sofundamentally transforming the political scene in Iran in the long runwhere the old issues and the old actors are most likely to be irrelevant tothe new type of politics. Once successful, the political implications of thisorder will have a much wider effect on the Muslim world than commonlyassumed.This paper has four sections. The first section deals with the ideology ofthe Islamic republic. Examining the ideas of the leading revolutionarythinkers, we shall try to establish a criteria against which the regime’spolitical and economic performance is to be assessed. The second sectionof the paper describes the nature of key political and economicinstitutions established in the aftermath of the revolution and their modeof functioning. The third part of the paper is concerned with theeconomic performance of the regime over the past five years. We shallassess its performance in two ways: (a) in light of the criteria establishedin the first part of the paper and (b) a brief comparison of the IslamicRepublic’s five year performance with the prerevolutionary Iran’s lastfive-year plan (1973-1978). The final section of the paper summarizes themajor conclusions of this study and also attempts to project a likelyfuture scenario ...

scholarly journals Otherness and Self in Latvian Theatre: Changes at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century

2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 120
Author(s):  
Pauls Daija
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Hill

In the article, political and historical interpretations of the first play in Latvian, an adapted translation of Ludvig Holberg’s Jeppe of the Hill (1723, Latvian version 1790) are explored. Although the play has been often interpreted as a work of anti-alcohol propaganda, the article argues that the political motives of the play are no less important. Translated into Latvian during the time of the French revolution, the play mirrors the tense atmosphere of the revolutionary years and reflects changes in Latvian peasant identity. While translating, Baltic German pastor Alexander Johann Stender changed the play’s setting to the late eighteenth century Courland and added new details, emphasizing the social conflict of the play as an ethnic one. It has been argued in the article that since ‘class’ in the Baltics was divided along national lines, the difference between peasants and masters was also the difference between Latvians and Germans, so class and ethnicity merged. When the peasant and the nobleman switch places in the play, this symbolizes a change in the Latvian-German colonial relationship. The colonial interpretation allows for a characterisation of the protagonist as a desperate imitator – a colonial subject who loses his identity as a serf and is not able to form a new identity in any way other than by copying the colonialist op- pressor. But this mimicry turns into ridicule, hence the play acquires a political meaning as it implicitly shows the disastrous consequences of revolutionary pro- test. Therefore, the play can be read as a part of the discussions about the Baltic Enlightenment emancipation project and as a hidden debate on serfdom and the colonial framework of the Courland society

The Political Economy of Tourism and Approaches to Forecasting

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob McKercher ◽  
Bruce Prideaux
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Production System ◽  
Production Systems ◽  
National Income ◽  
The Political ◽  
Trade Law ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
Carbon Neutral ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Many

While there is a vast literature on issues related to political economy, tourism scholars have generally paid little attention to this area of research. This chapter discusses some of the underlying debates related to political economy to provide a window into the fundamental role that economic forces play in the operation, sustainability and profitability of the global tourism system. In the near future, the need to transition to a carbon-neutral production system (see Chapter 15), and the immense difficulties that will be faced in reining in our increasing use of diminishing resources, will generate considerable discussion on the merits of various production systems such as Neoliberalism, socialism, neo-Marxism and post-Keynesian. This chapter also considers a range of models used to forecast tourism activity, a task that is an important element in future tourism investment and planning activities. The current production system is firmly embedded in the market driven capitalist system of economic production and for this reason, the following dis- cussion will focus on capitalism. This chapter provides a neo-Marxist perspective to demonstrate a counter view to the predominate interpretation of capitalism through a neoliberal lens. Degrowth (see Chapter 15) also offers another vision for organizing a future economic system of production. Understanding how we arrived at our system of economic production is important and provides insights into the next stage of economic evolution, which will most likely to be based on a carbon-neutral economic production system. So what is the difference between political economy and economics? Political economy is concerned with the process of production and its impact on national income and wealth, and the conflicts, inequalities and problems that arise in trade, law and government (Bianchi, 2018; Williams, 2004). Scholars generally approach the study of political economy from perspectives that include Liberalism, Keynesianism, Marxism, Socialism and Neoliberalism (and the many sub-branches of these schools). Economics on the other hand is concerned with production, distribution and consumption of goods and services and leaves aside political and social considerations although as Bianchi (2018) observed, the distinction between political economy and economics has become blurred because of the political nature of significant areas of neoliberal thought.

Intersubjektive Sinnkonstitution und Sozialstruktur Zur Kritik handlungstheoretischer Ansätze der Soziologie / The constitution of meaning by subjects and the social structure On the critique of action-concepts in sociology

1978 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Berger
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
Concept Formation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Action Pattern ◽  
Basic Term ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One ◽  
Mode Of Production ◽  
The Way

AbstractIn contrast to the usual attempts to attach the difference between an action-theoretical sociology and MARX’s theory on divergent themes and interests, this paper is searching for the decisive distinction of both approaches in the way of concept formation. Here the important question is if and where the perception of actors is entering the concepts of sociology. The diverse answer to this question leads to two concepts of social structure : to normatively supported action pattern on the one hand, to a mode of production on the other.Finally, the formation of a sociological basic term, orientated on the idea of modes of production, is shown by the example of the class concept.

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