The dynamics of the winner–loser gap in satisfaction with democracy: Evidence from a Swedish citizen panel

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 625-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Dahlberg ◽  
Jonas Linde
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Statistical Techniques ◽  
Panel Survey ◽  
Satisfaction With Democracy ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Stock Of Knowledge ◽  
Swedish Citizen ◽  
Over Time

Several studies have demonstrated a gap in support for the political system between electoral winners and losers. This research has generated a large stock of knowledge about the causes and effects of this winner–loser gap. However, we know little about the dynamics of the winner–loser gap over time. Drawing on a unique Swedish panel survey, this study investigates the stability of the winner–loser gap among Swedish voters over an electoral cycle of four years. The empirical analyses demonstrate a substantial consistency of the gap over time also when controlling for other determinants. The winner–loser gap thus seems to be a stable phenomenon rather than a short-lived election effect. The results are robust to different specifications and statistical techniques.

scholarly journals As time goes by, the same sentiments apply? Stability of voter satisfaction with democracy during the electoral cycle in 31 countries

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882091246
Author(s):  
Miroslav Nemčok ◽  
Hanna Wass
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Essential Element ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Satisfaction With Democracy ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
Popular Consent ◽  
Limited Generalizability ◽  
Over Time

Popular consent is an essential element for success and stability of democracies. Research has repeatedly demonstrated that “electoral winners” (i.e. voters casting a ballot for government parties) are more satisfied with democracy than supporters of the opposition parties. However, little is known about the dynamics of satisfaction during the electoral cycle: Do winners become happier and losers even more discontent over time? We approach this question by utilizing an interview date in the European Social Survey (rounds 1–8) to position individuals within the different stages of electoral cycle. The results based on 199,207 responses from 199 surveys in 31 countries suggest that satisfaction with democracy stays relatively stable during the electoral cycle across various electoral systems if the political development is predictable. However, if actions of the parties are uncertain, namely the alternations of governments tend to be frequent, partial, and opened to all parties, and hence neither winners nor losers know how steady their status is with respect to the political development in the country, their satisfaction tend to fluctuate over time. Therefore, the conclusion reached is the more stable West European democracies have limited generalizability to the low-predictable systems in Central and Eastern Europe.

The Israeli Coalition System

1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Stability ◽  
State Of Israel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.

scholarly journals Political polarization and its consequences on democratic accountability

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
András Körösényi
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Accountability ◽  
Theoretical Discussion ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
The Stability

This paper first explores the polarizationthesis, according to which between 1990-2010 political polarization increased to a large extent in the Hungarian political elite and among citizens, although it did not undermine the stability of the political system. Second, it gives an endogenousexplanation for this phenomenon. Third, through theoretical discussion and empirical examples taken from Hungarian politics it is revealed that although growing polarization has not generated regime instability, it reduces, or might reduce, the efficiency of the operation of democracy. Five mechanisms of the effects of ideological polarization which weaken democratic accountability are explored.

scholarly journals Geografická reprezentativa poslanců zvolených do Poslanecké sněmovny českého parlamentu za první republiky (1918-1938) a po roce 1989

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 354-380
Author(s):  
Renáta Mikešová ◽  
Tomáš Kostelecký
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Spatial Distribution ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Management ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Changes Over Time ◽  
Election Laws ◽  
Over Time

Election laws regulate the number of deputies who are elected in individual electoral districts, and set them in relation to the population, respectively to the number of voters participating in elections in individual regions. Elected deputies could thus be regarded as political representatives of citizens living in electoral districts. However, under systems of proportional representation, current deputies represent the ideology of the party to which they belong rather than the region. Nevertheless, it makes sense to study the spatial distribution of the places of origin and residence of members of parliament and their changes over time, because it suggests much about the political system and the system of representative democracy in the country. The spatial distribution of places of residence of candidates and elected members indicates not only the territorial proportionality and geographic representativeness, but also the shifting centers of political power. The analysis clearly confirms the gradual decentralization and regionalization of political power in the country, which stands in contrast to the centralization of power in the economy, this latter trend apparent from the concentration of economic management and decision-making in the largest cities, especially in Prague.

scholarly journals Opricznina jako pierwsza rosyjska służba specjalna i jej znaczenie w systemie politycznym

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Justyna Doroszczyk
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Security ◽  
Main Thesis ◽  
Security Service ◽  
Ivan The Terrible ◽  
The Stability

Oprichina is the first security service in Russia. The main aim of oprichnina was to protect the stability of the political system and the reign of tsars. The main thesis is based on the conviction that secret services since Ivan the Terrible are one of the most important factors in the Russian political system. The purpose of the article is to analyze the functioning and the role of oprichnina, its organization, its structure and its main tasks in the context of the tendency of centralization of the state. The aim is to demonstrate that the establishment of the oprichnina initiated the process of forming state security organs as the foundation of maintaining power and implementing the priorities of internal and external politics.

Winners and losers reconsidered: party support, character valence, and satisfaction with democracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra Leiter ◽  
April K. Clark ◽  
Michael Clark
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Citizen Satisfaction ◽  
Extant Literature ◽  
Satisfaction With Democracy ◽  
Party Support ◽  
Opposition Parties

AbstractStudies of citizens’ satisfaction with democracy have established a connection between satisfaction and how well those citizens’ preferred parties perform in elections. Yet, the question remains whether ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ respond to the same system- and party-level factors when evaluating their political satisfaction. We build on extant literature to consider citizen satisfaction with democracy from the perspective of character valence. Using the Mannheim Eurobarometer trend file and content analysis-based data on parties’ character valence, we find that both winners’ and losers’ satisfaction with the political system is affected by parties’ character valence, but in differing (and somewhat surprising) ways. We find that winners respond to improvements in the character valence of opposition parties, whereas losers demonstrate greater concern with the valence of governing parties.

The Kuwaiti-Iraqi border dispute and its impact on the stability of the Arab Gulf region

2020 ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Basim Karim Suwaidan
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political System ◽  
Arabian Gulf ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Level ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
The Us ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
The Stability

The existence of Iraq as a political entity at the international level extends to more than 4500 B.C. and there are many countries and civilisations carried on. Before the British presence to the Gulf, Iraq was a part of the Ottoman Empire and Kuwait was a part of Basra Srate. But in 1904, Britain announced protection over Kuwait and combined lands and islands of northern Kuwait as possible to achieve their strategy to control the northern Arabian Gulf. Then, Al-Aqeer conference was held to solve the Borders' problem stills as a disputed between the two parties by the desire of Britain. In 1991, the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait came and then in 1993 the resolutions of the UN Security Council were released especially the 833 resolution which provided demarcation of the border between the two countries contrary to the facts of history and geography. The mistrust between the two countries continued despite to the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and changing the political system there which Kuwait had a prominent role on. The problems between the two countries also continued when Kuwait imposed the reality by conducting more projects and procedures that leads to take over the Iraqi lands and narrowing on Iraqi seas. 

INFORMATION THREATS TO THE STABILITY OF POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE NORTHERN CAUCASUS

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 025-032
Author(s):  
Ali Salgiriev ◽  
Vakha Gaziev ◽  
Magomed Soltamuradov ◽  
Sultan Galbatsov
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Information Technologies ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Northern Caucasus ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
High Status ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Network Technologies

In the Northern Caucasus, political elites traditionally play a key role in managing political processes, prevent and resolve conflicts, counter sociocultural threats, terrorism, and political extremism. The stability of the political system depends on the degree of political elites’ responsibility and their ability to negotiate with the federal political and administrative elite and to relay the interests of society. New threats to the normal functioning of state authorities are currently emerging, indicating the inefficiency of Russia’s policy aimed at preventing information security threats. In recent years, active social strata (mainly young people) have been mobilized with the aim of overthrowing legitimate authorities and objectionable politicians, changing regimes, etc., using modern network technologies, disinformation and fake news. Due to its historical and socio-cultural characteristics, as well as poly-confessional structure, the population of the Northern Caucasus is highly sensitive to territorial issues, as well as issues of religion, culture, ethnic relations, etc. In many respects, information technologies determine the position and power of high-status actors, primarily political elites, within the political system.

CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2020 (EXPERIENCE OF EXPERT ASSESSMENTS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 88-102
Author(s):  
A.V. GLUKHOVA ◽  
◽  
D.V. SHCHEGLOVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Professional Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Age Cohorts ◽  
Aged People ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Stability

The purpose of the article is to study the conditions and consequences of reforming the political system by adjusting the Constitution as its political and legal basis. The research methodology in solving the assigned tasks is the political, legal and legal approaches in the interpretation of the legality and legitimacy of the decisions made; systemic, communicative and conflictological approaches in assessing the transformation of the political and legal foundations of the political regime. An all-Russian expert survey was conducted (70 experts, 25 cities of the Russian Federation), which made it possible to assess the content of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in terms of the emergence of risks to the stability of the political system. As a result of the performed political science analysis, the attitude of experts to the content and procedure for amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation was revealed. According to experts, the most illegal are (in descending order): "zeroing" of presidential terms; popular vote; form of amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Among those who consider the amendments to be legal, there are more representatives of two age cohorts: up to 40 years old and over 64 years old, although negative assessments remain dominant in this case. Middle-aged people are more critical. The scientific degree (doctors / candidates of science), as well as the field of professional activity (lawyers / non-lawyers) practically do not differ in assessing the legal nature of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation (with the exception of certain points).

Political Stability Challenges in the EEU countries: Political Factors Index

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arusyak Aleksanyan ◽  
Ashot Aleksanyan
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Stability Index ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Careful Consideration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Member States ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Legal Obligations ◽  
The Stability

This book analyses procedures for ensuring Eurasian Economic Union political stability and promoting Eurasian integration. The political factors of stability and new integration agenda of the EEU member states have been comparatively analyzed by the application of the methodology of the Stability Index of Political System with careful consideration of continually improving the context of legal obligations and harmonizing interstate relations. The book covers a comprehensive study of a number of factors determining the political stability of the EEU member states within 2000-2019. In-country and Crosscountry analyses have been conducted within the framework of methodology of the Stability Index of Political System. This book is intended to be used by scholars, experts and students at universities and research centers.

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