European memory beyond the state: Baltic, Russian and European memory interactions (1991–2009)

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 677-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Perchoc

This article claims that the rapid institutional transformations after 1991 in the Baltic states altered the relationship of memory and power. In order to get an accurate picture of this phenomenon, one needs to take into account not only the national stage but also the international environment, because both neighbouring countries (primarily Russia) and the European institutions play a role in the transformation of the memory figuration.

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vorotnikov

The article examines the structure of national historical mythology of the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) with an emphasis on the foreign policy dimension based on the analysis of their issues of the postage stamps. Since issuing of the postage stamps is a product of consensus between the state and civil society, their topics and images presented on them, on the one hand, may be considered as a part of the semiotic model of the state image, thus reflecting its stance on processes, events, phenomena or personalities of the past and the present and, accordingly, shaping, transforming or supporting a certain nation-forming mythology or state ideology; on the other hand, they reflect mass perceptions of the dominant national historical narrative, and often the priorities of contemporary politics. Due to the specifics of the Baltic states’ history and the dominant values and ideology of their political class, the mainstream historical narrative is inevitably turned outward, that makes the analysis of its main elements extremely operational in the study of their strategic cultures. The article proposes the author's attitude to categorizing and highlighting the main chronological and thematic elements of the arrays of postage stamps of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia from 1990 to 2020. On the basis of discourse and selective iconographic analysis, the key elements of national historical narratives and their coherence with the foreign political positioning and strategies of the Baltic states are identified and analyzed. A comparative analysis of the three country cases allows us to pinpoint their relative proximity as well as some specific features.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadežda Semjonova

AbstractThe present paper applies recently developed consolidated indicator of the state financial security to the situation in Baltic States and some EU countries. The indicator summarises a number of economic and financial parameters relevant to the financial independence of the country. The resulting indicator demonstrates a reasonable correlation with sovereign Fitch rating both for Baltic States and the “old” EU countries, but Fitch rating gives more optimistic evaluation for old EU countries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-150
Author(s):  
E.S. Dmitrieva ◽  
V.Ya. Gelman

Research is devoted to the study of the relationship of emotional intelligence of students with the results of the state exam in the adaptation of the school system for 5 years from the date of introduction. The sample consisted of 156 first-year students. Evaluation of the components of emotional intelligence was measured by self-report (EmIn questionnaire). There was a statistically significant correlation between the severity of different indicators of emotional intelligence of students passing the exam and the results of the three school subjects: Russian language, Mathematics, Social studies. It is shown that since the introduction in 2009 of compulsory exam the level of communication between the indicators of emotional intelligence and the results of the examination has changed. Adaptation processes to the introduction of the state exam lead to changes contingent of successful students: If at the time of the introduction of the exam more successful were students with higher EI, in the process of adaptation more successful became those with lower EI. It was shown that the components of EI, having the most important relationships with the results of the exam, are different for the considered subjects; the dynamics of these relationships has been revealed.


2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suadi Suadi

The aims of this research were to know the state of small pelagic fishery and social economic aspect of resources exploitation. To examine these issues, the research combined survey and descriptive analytic methods. Gordon-Schaefer model was applied to analyze the state of fishery and analytical descriptive to explained the relationship of the phenomena's. Data collection was based on indepth interview and recording of District Fishery Service's. Samll pelagic fisheries that been analyzed were anchovies (Stolephorus sp.), squids (Loligo sp.), and mackerels (Rastrelliger sp.).There are two main problems of fisheries in the area, firstly, the conflict on coastal zone between marine capture fisheries and mariculture. The second one is the intensive exploitation of fisheries resources. Pelagic fisheries at Sape Bay have been exploited above maximum TAC mainly 80% of MSY. MSY of anchovies (Stolephorus sp.) reached 2324,9 ton at number of effort 56534 trip and MEY 2172,3 ton at number of effort 42144 trips. MSY of squids (Loligo sp.) is 455,0 ton at number of effort 12183 trip and MEY 449,0 ton at number of effort 10780 trips equal to Bagan Perahu  trips. The model was not applicable to predict the MSY and MEY of mackerels (Rastrelliger sp.). The continuing increase of effort will depleted the stock and decreased economic rent. In addition, the increasing of competition on fishing ground with pearl culture, have resulted fishermen stress. The integrated policy and management are needed to solve these problems and to avoid social riots. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra

La policía comunitaria es una institución de los pueblos indígenas de Guerrero conocida por su capacidad para enfrentar a la delincuencia y generar alternativas de paz social., através de un sistema de justicia y seguridad autónomo. En los últimos años, sin embargo, el sistema comunitario enfrenta el acoso de actores diversos vinculados al incremento de la violencia y la inseguridad que se vive en el país y especialmente en el estado de Guerrero; dicha situación está impactando a la institucionalidad comunitaria, obligando a su redefinición. En este trabajo destaco aspectos centrales de dicha conflictividad así como las respuestas que han dado los comunitarios para hacer frente a las tareas de justicia y seguridad en el marco de nuevos contextos marcados por el despojo neoliberal y la impunidad de actores estatales y no estatales. En este proceso se actualiza la relación de la policía comunitaria con el Estado revelando el peso de la ambigüedad legal y los juegos del poder así como los usos contra-hegemónicos del derecho para disputar la justicia. ---SEGURANÇA E JUSTIÇA SOB ACOSSO EM TEMPOS DE VIOLÊNCIA NEOLIBERAL: respostas do policiamento comunitário de GuerreroO policiamento comunitário é uma instituição dos Povos Indígenas do Guerrero conhecidos por sua capacidade de lidar com o crime e gerar paz social de forma alternativa, usando um sistema próprio de justiça e segurança. Nos últimos anos, no entanto, o sistema da UE enfrenta assédio de várias autoridades envolvidas no aumento da violência e da insegurança que reina no país e, especialmente, no estado de Guerrero; essa situação está afetando as instituições comunitárias, forçando a sua redefinição. Neste artigo, destaco os principais aspectos do conflito e as respostas que têm a comunidade para lidar com as tarefas da justiça e da segurança no contexto dos novos contextos marcados por pilhagem neoliberal e a impunidade de atores estatais e não estatais. Neste processo, a relação de policiamento comunitário com o estado é atualizada, revelando o peso da ambiguidade e dos jogos de poder legais, além de usos contra-hegemônicos do direito de disputar a justiça.Palavras-chave: violência neoliberal; Guerrero; comunidades indígenas---SECURITY AND JUSTICE UNDER HARASSMENT IN TIMES OF NEOLIBERAL VIOLENCE: responses of the Community Police of GuerreroThe community police is an institution of the Indigenous Peoples of Guerrero known for its ability to deal with crime and generate alternatives for social peace, using a system of justice and self security. In recent years, however, the EU system faces harassment from various people responsible for the increase of violence and insecurity within the country and especially in the state in Guerrero; this situation is impacting instituitions in the community, forcing their redefinition. In this paper I highlight key aspects of the conflict and the community's responses to deal with the tasks of justice and security in new contexts marked by neoliberal plunder and impunity of the state (as well as non state figures). In this process, the relationship of the community police with the state is updated revealing the weight of legal ambiguity and power plays, as well as counter-hegemonic use of the right to dispute justice.key words: neoliberal vilence; Guerrero; indigenous people.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin

Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009.


2006 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Marie Baylouny

In the decade and a half since economic liberalization began in Jordan, a little noticed but large-scale organizing trend has taken over the formal provision of social welfare, redefining the institutional conception of familial identity in the process. For over one third of the population, kin solidarities have been reorganized, formalized, and registered as nongovernmental organizations in an attempt to cope with the removal of basic social provisioning by the state. Although kinship clearly has been a major element in Jordan's history, the present phenomena alter traditional familial institutions, change kin lineages, and institutionalize the economic salience of family relations. In turn, the relationship of the populace to the state has changed, marginalizing previously regime-supporting groups and facilitating the implementation of economic neoliberalism without significant protest. Repackaged as charitable elements of civil society, these family associations are sanctioned and encouraged by the state and international community. Although they are not regime creations, family associations reinforce the Jordanian regime's efforts at political deliberalization. The new elites who head the organizations have been placated through indirect incorporation into the regime; they now wield significant economic power over fellow kin and have enhanced social status backed by the new group. Furthermore, the trend mainly consists of families without immediate ambitions of entering national politics. These are not the traditional elite families.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Gomez

This prologue provides an overview of the history of early and medieval West Africa. During this period, the rise of Islam, the relationship of women to political power, the growth and influence of the domestically enslaved, and the invention and evolution of empire were all unfolding. In contrast to notions of an early Africa timeless and unchanging in its social and cultural categories and conventions, here was a western Savannah and Sahel that from the third/ninth through the tenth/sixteenth centuries witnessed political innovation as well as the evolution of such mutually constitutive categories as race, slavery, ethnicity, caste, and gendered notions of power. By the period's end, these categories assume significations not unlike their more contemporary connotations. All of these transformations were engaged with the apparatus of the state and its progression from the city-state to the empire. The transition consistently featured minimalist notions of governance replicated by successive dynasties, providing a continuity of structure as a mechanism of legitimization. Replication had its limits, however, and would ultimately prove inadequate in addressing unforeseen challenges.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


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