Beyond the assumptions: Religious schools and their influence on students’ social and civic development

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graeme Cross ◽  
Glenda Campbell-Evans ◽  
Jan Gray

Are religious schools fit to prepare students with the social competencies required for life in a pluralistic society, or do they offer a sheltered school experience, which deprives them of adequate socialization opportunities? This question has emerged in public discourse in response to the growing presence of religious schools in many western democracies, including Australia, where their growth has been prolific in the past 30 years. In this article, the tensions around the place of religion within Australia’s education system and the adequacy of religious schools to prepare students to contribute to the nation’s social cohesion and pluralistic workplaces are investigated.

Author(s):  
Mohd Hidris Shahri ◽  
Ajmain Safar ◽  
Mazlina Parman

For the past 50 years, the Johor state government through the Religious Education Division has been implementing an integrated solat (prayer) programme in the Johor State Government Religious Schools curriculum. Being the social investments in the spiritual development of Muslim students in Johor this program needs an evaluation of its effectiveness on the part of the parents. Therefore, this study was conducted to explore parents' perception of the programme impact on their children, and parental involvement in the programme at the religious schools in Mersing District, Johor. A quantitative-descriptive study using questionnaire was conducted on 235 families at Endau, Mersing religious school. Data from the questionnaire were analyzed using SPSS v17.0. The results show the overall effectiveness of the solat programme in the context of practice (M = 4.21). Similarly, for the solat component of recitation (M = 4.01) the level was high. The results of the correlation analysis showed that there was a significant relationship between parental involvement and the level of prayerful engagement in interaction and communication (r = 0826), whereas for parental involvement (r = 0.791).  This study also provides information and preview of the parental involvement in the effectiveness of the solat programme at religious school.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-492
Author(s):  
Sibylle van der Walt

Since the Brexit-vote and the election of a far-right businessman as President of the United States, the social sciences have been struggling to explain the societal conditions that nourish the increasing appeal of far-right parties and leaders in the Western world. The article’s main thesis is that the currently leading sociological paradigm, the theory of globalization losers, is not sufficient to understand the social dynamics in question. Starting from a discussion of the recent work of German sociologist Wilhelm Heitmeyer, it is argued that the best insight in far-right voter’s motivations and emotions can be found in the work of Margaret Canovan. The article shows further that a sociological investigation into the socio-psychological dynamics of the rise of the far-right should take into account broader cultural transformations that have been weakening the social world of Western democracies in the past 30 years, namely individualization, acceleration and demographic decline. In times of crisis (the ‘modernization’ of Eastern Europe and the financial crisis of 2007), these transformations become manifest as a general crisis of advanced capitalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (5) ◽  
pp. 735-756
Author(s):  
Rebecca Lewis ◽  
Alice E. Marwick ◽  
William Clyde Partin

Over the past decade YouTube “response videos” in which a user offers counterarguments to a video uploaded by another user have become popular among political creators. While creators often frame response videos as debates, those targeted assert that they function as vehicles for harassment from the creator and their networked audience. Platform policies, which base moderation decisions on individual pieces of content rather than the relationship between videos and audience behavior, may therefore fail to address networked harassment. We analyze the relationship between amplification and harassment through qualitative content analysis of 15 response videos. We argue that response videos often provide a blueprint for harassment that shows both why the target is wrong and why harassment would be justified. Creators use argumentative tactics to portray themselves as defenders of enlightened public discourse and their targets as irrational and immoral. This positioning is misleading, given that creators interpellate the viewer as part of a networked audience with shared moral values that the target violates. Our analysis also finds that networked audiences act on that blueprint through the social affordances of YouTube, which we frame as harassment affordances. We argue that YouTube’s current policies are insufficient for addressing harassment that relies on amplification and networked audiences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 482-496
Author(s):  
G. I. Osadchaya ◽  
E. Yu. Kireev ◽  
M. L. Vartanova ◽  
A. A. Chernikova

In the past thirty years, social memory of the Eurasian youth has been influenced by many actors of the commerative space, who often pursue their own goals in the struggle to legitimize the new political order and their policies of the radical economic transformation. The results of their efforts should be taken into account in the implementation of one of the most important joint projects of the post-Soviet countries - Eurasian integration, because social memory of the youth is the most important resource for its success. The study aims at clarifying and evaluating the mechanisms for preserving information about the past, the peculiarities of the generation Y ideas about the common history and the current stage of the EAEU construction, which are present in the public discourse, and at revealing the relationship between attitudes to the past and to the Eurasian integration, the influence of social memory on the personal worldview, the forms and methods of its reconstruction in the interests of the post-Soviet countries interaction and efficiency of the politics of memory. The formation of social memory is defined as the activity of actors (individuals, groups, organizations, social institutions, communities) aimed at the interpretation of the collective past and common present by the youth of the countries participating in the Eurasian integration. The empirical object of the study - young citizens of the member states and candidates for joining the EAEU (18-38 years old), who live, study or work in Moscow. The article considers the respondents assessments of the contribution of each of the actors to the social memory formation and describes social memory of the generation Y as a set of views, feelings and moods reflecting the perception of the Soviet past and the common present. The authors insist on the purposeful policy of the leaders of the countries, participating in the Eurasian integration, to ensure the reconstruction of the youths social memory and the consolidation of societies.


Author(s):  
Ugo Pagallo

Over the past decades a considerable amount of work has been devoted to the notion of autonomy and the intelligence of robots and of AI systems: depending on the application, several standards on the “levels of automation” have been proposed. Although current AI systems may have the intelligence of a fridge, or of a toaster, some of such autonomous systems have already challenged basic pillars of society and the law, e.g. whether lethal force should ever be permitted to be “fully automated.” The aim of this paper is to show that the normative challenges of AI entail different types of accountability that go hand-in-hand with choices of technological dependence, delegation of cognitive tasks, and trust. The stronger the social cohesion is, the higher the risks that can be socially accepted through the normative assessment of the not fully predictable consequences of tasks and decisions entrusted to AI systems and artificial agents.


Crimen ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Milana Ljubičić

In the article, we analyse discourse on drug abuse in contemporary Serbia. The ruling official discourse on drugs can be subsumed under the definition of moral panic, in creation of which, as well in dissemination, the media play an important role. Media uses specific vocabulary to send message warning of an impending social catastrophe. This tactic is effective: recipients of media content become anxious and frightened by the downfall of the society that awaits them in the near future. So logically they are converting into supporters of official discourses on the topic. In the end, this process has the power to briefly connect a shredded tissue of social cohesion, but also to produce a lack of freedom of citizens. In order to investigate whether drug-related moral panics in our country can have such implications, in this paper we analyzed the official discourse embodied in anti-drug policies, and the public discourse offered by media. Findings suggest that policymakers are calling on war against drugs, and name prevention and criminalization as the most successful strategies to fight it. The recipients of media content are agreeing with them. Furthermore, there is no doubt that such o discourse encourages the spread of moral panic about drugs, as well as social cohesion. Although abstractly defined, the enemy - drug, has the power to unite. However, it also causes a lack of freedom. Because of the narrative of the impending catastrophe, the citizens feel powerless and therefore demand from the higher state authorities to act in the name of the social future.


2005 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernardo Kliksberg

Public administration faces great challenges in Latin America, a continent with great economic potential, but with 44 percent of the population in poverty. One of the causes is inequality: whereas 10 percent of the richest possess 48 percent of the national income, 10 percent of the poorest possess only 1.6 percent. There is disillusionment with the rigid orthodox policies applied in the 1980s and 1990s, one of whose objectives was the downsizing of the state; such policies worsened poverty and inequality. Today, according to surveys, the citizenry demands that public administration return to fulfilling an important role associated with civil society: implement active, transparent and well-managed public policies with a strong social emphasis. The article analyzes state reforms made in the past decades, their uncertain results, new social demands and the great challenge that is raised in the region: how to build an intelligent and equitable state that serves to recover the social cohesion that has deteriorated.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 843-852 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Tarshis ◽  
Michelle Garcia Winner ◽  
Pamela Crooke

Purpose What does it mean to be social? In addition, how is that different from behaving socially appropriately? The purpose of this clinical focus article is to tackle these two questions along with taking a deeper look into how communication challenges in childhood apraxia of speech impact social competencies for young children. Through the lens of early social development and social competency, this clinical focus article will explore how speech motor challenges can impact social development and what happens when young learners miss early opportunities to grow socially. While not the primary focus, the clinical focus article will touch upon lingering issues for individuals diagnosed with childhood apraxia of speech as they enter the school-aged years. Conclusion Finally, it will address some foundational aspects of intervention and offer ideas and suggestions for structuring therapy to address both speech and social goals.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 769-784 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estella Tincknell

The extensive commercial success of two well-made popular television drama serials screened in the UK at prime time on Sunday evenings during the winter of 2011–12, Downton Abbey (ITV, 2010–) and Call the Midwife (BBC, 2012–), has appeared to consolidate the recent resurgence of the period drama during the 1990s and 2000s, as well as reassembling something like a mass audience for woman-centred realist narratives at a time when the fracturing and disassembling of such audiences seemed axiomatic. While ostensibly different in content, style and focus, the two programmes share a number of distinctive features, including a range of mature female characters who are sufficiently well drawn and socially diverse as to offer a profoundly pleasurable experience for the female viewer seeking representations of aging femininity that go beyond the sexualised body of the ‘successful ager’. Equally importantly, these two programmes present compelling examples of the ‘conjunctural text’, which appears at a moment of intense political polarisation, marking struggles over consent to a contemporary political position by re-presenting the past. Because both programmes foreground older women as crucial figures in their respective communities, but offer very different versions of the social role and ideological positioning that this entails, the underlying politics of such nostalgia becomes apparent. A critical analysis of these two versions of Britain's past thus highlights the ideological investments involved in period drama and the extent to which this ‘cosy’ genre may legitimate or challenge contemporary political claims.


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