scholarly journals Explaining Indonesia’s Under-balancing: The Case of the Modernisation of the Air Force and the Navy

Author(s):  
Iis Gindarsah ◽  
Adhi Priamarizki

The current maritime challenges that Indonesia faced had not led to the development of the navy and air force. While theories of neoclassical realism highlighted the importance of domestic factors when determining responses at the strategic level, inefficiencies within the state bureaucracy had often been the bane of prudent policies. Our article attempts to engage with the neorealist concept of under-balancing to look at the reasons why there is stagnation in Indonesia’s naval and air force development. The proponents of under-balancing blamed inefficient bureaucracy as the cause of the issue. Our study on Indonesia’s naval and air force development indicated that inefficient bureaucracy was not the only driver of under-balancing. Looking at the agenda of naval and air force modernisation, this research argues the lack of commitment from the government, limited economic sources and the different modernisation priorities at the military unit level that had greatly contributed to the mismatch between systemic pressure and the response, in this case through naval and air force development, against it.

Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.


Author(s):  
Philip Roessler ◽  
Harry Verhoeven

This chapter explains how the surging discontent described in the previous chapter morphs into a full-blown crisis. The remarkable expression of elite accommodation between Laurent-Désiré Kabila, Army Chief of Staff James Kabarebe and Joseph Kabila, son of the head of state, protégé of Kabarebe and number two in the military hierarchy, began to unravel in early 1998. As the father–president relentlessly sought to increase his political autonomy, he pursued two policies by stealth that inflamed tensions with the RPF: Katangization—the infiltration of the security services and the state bureaucracy by fellow Katangese—and the courting of new allies, not least Tanzania which gave him a bodyguard to replace his Rwandese minders and which sent troops to secretly train a parallel army in Katanga. Relations between the comrades became so poisoned that even Council of Ministers' meetings were preceded by arms searches.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas M. Millington

Since 1930 the military has overthrown the Government of Argentina four times: in 1930, when General Uriburu overthrew the constitutional government of Hipólito Irigoyen; in 1943, when General Ramírez overthrew Ramón Castillo and initiated a confused series of events which led ultimately to the accession to the presidency of Juan Perón in 1946; in September, 1955, when officers of the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force combined their forces to oust Perón himself; and in March, 1962, when a small group of officers staged a coup which deposed Arturo Frondizi, the first elected president to follow Perón.


Africa ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hart

AbstractIn 1979 Nigeria's military government held the first general elections for fifteen years. The politicians then resumed power under a republican constitution. The National Party of Nigeria, a conservative coalition, narrowly won the elections from four other parties and virtually controlled the next elections in 1983. There were five election rounds: for the President, for nine-teen state governers, for the Senate, for the House of Representatives and for the state assemblies. Increases over the 1979 vote in the presidential round indicated some rigging. Results in the following rounds were incredible. The root cause was northern reluctance within the National Party to honour an agreement to a southern presidential candidate at the next elections in 1987 and southern competition for the 1987 nomination. After the elections the courts failed to redress the rigging and the President to purge corrupt Ministers. The military then overthrew the government and resumed control.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson C. Dometrius

The connection between the government and the governed is often evaluated using election results. This article explores this connection between elections using data on gubernatorial approval in the states. Specifically, I ask the question, Do governors with greater job approval ratings have greater influence over the state bureaucracy than governors with lower approval ratings? Measures of both gubernatorial influence and administrator contact with gubernatorial staff are regressed on gubernatorial approval ratings from state polling data, along with controls for other state characteristics. The results show that approval does affect a governor's influence with the bureaucracy, and as such, serves as an additional connection between the government and the governed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Clifton W. Sherrill

This article develops a neoclassical realist model of decisionmaking that starts with the realist foundation of power, then layers on additional variables at both the domestic and individual levels. Based on a psychological conception of power, and differentiating the state, the regime, and the government, the model integrates prior neoclassical studies that emphasize elite perceptions, state structure, and strategic culture. As an illustrative example, the model is applied to South Korea’s current policymaking regarding potential acquisition of nuclear arms. While South Korea is assessed to have sufficient power to pursue nuclear weapons, the lack of military utility coupled with likely harm to economic and reputational interests suggest continued rejection of such a policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-145
Author(s):  
Arshad

Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the military removed President Morsi because Islamists failed to achieve the protesters’ aspirations. Egyptians supported the military’s rule that led to the election of General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi as President of Egypt. Fatah al-Sisi shifted the dynamics of government from ‘party-state’ to ‘ruler-arbiter’ praetorian rule that centralized the authority and power under his leadership through military domination to counter the Islamists and revolutionary aspirations. The research explains the causality behind the Egyptian military's intervention in politics, structuring of the praetorian regime in Egypt; the return of military praetorianism after the removal of President Hosni Mubarak; the rise of the Sisi as ‘ruler-arbiter’ and its implications on the democratization process. The paper’s method is explanatory to study the ‘structural’ (military) and ‘agential’ (Sisi’s rule) factors to determine the causes of establishing the praetorian ‘ruler-arbiter’ type Sisi’s regime. The approach to examine the ruler-arbiter phenomenon is the ‘actor-centric’ instead of the ‘mechanistic’ to understand the praetorian rule in Egypt. The research finds that the rise of the ‘ruler-arbiter’ regime under the leadership of the Sisi, caused by the military-established praetorian authority and President Sisi's choices and decisions, led to the failure of the democratization in Egypt.


Author(s):  
Fawaz Hammad Mahmoud

The State of Iraq was formed in 1921 and described as a product of the British occupation state. This was in line with what was planned by the occupation government in all fields of intellectual, cultural and political. This resulted in the establishment of the "King of Iraq" of Arab origins, as well as contributed groups of tribal or economic influence to contribute to the establishment of the Iraqi state, where the Iraqi society was suffering from poverty and ignorance and disease under the Ottoman Empire, and others may see that the Iraqi state, which came under the umbrella Britain, after the First World War, may not differ in terms of dealing with the Iraqi society from the Ottoman administration, and may be a continuation of, and worse, and therefore there was concern, and fear of all steps of the government, even if it was positive, and increased military intervention through coups policy The state and its apparatus to calculate the dominant parties But it turned into a preoccupation with the minds of the people, the futility or futility of such coups, which are no more than conflicts between families, parties, and perhaps people, using the violence that the military led to express in the three coups which We gave it our attention in this study, which included, after this introduction, three investigations and a conclusion.


Author(s):  
L. Semenenko ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
A. Efimenko ◽  
Y. Dobrovolsky ◽  
S. Stolinets

The article reveals the authors' views on the definition of the functions, structure of the military-economic science, its potential and development prospects in modern conditions of the relationship between war and economy.Military science and the military economy are linked by a common object of research, which is - war. The military economy makes recommendations on the most expedient economic policy within the military development of the country's armed forces, in order to address the issues of comprehensive provision of military (defense) needs of the state.The development of their own Armed Forces requires the creation of certain optimal conditions for their livelihoods. Creating and substantiating these conditions is one of the main tasks of military-economic science. Today, the main objective that it faces in the development of the Armed Forces should be to help the Government and the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, based on military groups located on the territory of Ukraine, to create their own Armed Forces that must meet the necessary (definite) level of military hazards, and also be economically feasible for Ukraine.Military-economic science studies economic processes and relationships that arise in connection with the preparation, conduct of the war by its localization and evasiveness. Military-economic science has its own laws, for example, the economic development of the country depend: the course and consequences of the war; defense capability of the state; moral spirit of personnel; development of armament and military equipment; the combat capability of the Armed Forces, etc.The main results of the article are the definition of: the main directions of the development of military-economic science; the basic principles of satisfaction of material and military-economic needs of the state; ways to meet military and economic needs, as well as the main issues of satisfaction of military and economic needs.In modern conditions, the relationship between war, politics and the economy has become more durable. The economy began to directly participate in the preparation and conduct of the war. Therefore, the national economy must be well prepared for the war and for the economic provision of its own Armed Forces.


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