scholarly journals Political Persecution and Repression of Teachers of the Ukrainian SSR in the 1920 – 1930s

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-74
Author(s):  
Mykola Bryvko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Social Origin ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Criminal Cases ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
The People ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Persecution

The research exposes the essence of political repressions of teachers as an important socio-professional group of society. It is based on the study of archival and criminal cases and other documentary sources of the Soviet totalitarian regime of the 1920 – 1930s. The analysed sources allowed proving the absurdity and criminality of the Soviet government in relation to the repressed educators, and they also helped to reveal the substantive features of the accusations, which varied at different times. In the 1920s, it was mainly connected with military service and the so-called «tsarist» or «bourgeois» education. Over time, the emphasis was shifted to non-proletarian social origins or nationalism. However, in the 1930s there was an expansion of accusations, in particular of Trotskyism, which from the mid-1930s was sometimes fused with Ukrainian or Polish nationalism. The article describes the main methods of political repressions. In particular, it is a method of creating non-existent «counter-revolutionary organizations» and a method of demonstrative trials, which were clearly displaying to society the «inevitability» of the struggle against «enemies of the people». In addition, more lenient methods of repression, such as the method of «cleansing» depending on social origin, political persecution and pressure through the media, and pedagogical certification of teachers, have been identified. The consequences of political repression of educators for Ukrainian education during the formation of the Soviet totalitarian regime in the 1920s and 1930s, and the prospects for further research have been outlined in the study.

scholarly journals Political Conclusion of Educators in the 1920s–1930s as Part of Political Repression

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1 (339)) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Mykola Bryvko ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Repression ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
The People ◽  
Psychological Pressure ◽  
Soviet Education ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Conclusion ◽  
Change Of Consciousness ◽  
Negative Phenomena

The current situation and development of society increasingly tells us about certain trends of political harassment of public and political figures, as part of the process of repression, including in the field of education, compared to the tragic pages of our past. And so this topic is quite relevant in modern scientific discourse. The research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity, systematics, historicism, dialectics and interdisciplinarity. Namely, the study is based on historical and historical-pedagogical methods. The study provides examples of political harassment of representatives of the Soviet education system in the 1920s and 1930s, including through the media, both socio-political and professional educational significance. These data clearly reveal the attempts of the Soviet government to use the consciousness of citizens in the struggle against the «enemies of the people» and the supremacy of the Bolsheviks over the rights of every person to maintain their power. In addition to the disclosure of the topic is the involvement of documentary sources that demonstrate the political harassment of educators in speeches at various meetings and rallies. These examples of political harassment of educators provide an opportunity to study more deeply the mechanisms of political repression of the Ukrainian intelligentsia as a whole and see what methods of psychological pressure, manipulation and change of consciousness, especially youth and children, are inherent in Soviet power. But to analyze their future manifestations in the future and to develop a methodology for combating these negative phenomena in a democratic society, which requires further efforts of scientists.

scholarly journals THE OUTCOME OF NURSING ERROR AS ATTRACTIVE TO THE MEDIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Cristina Novatzki Forte ◽  
Denise Elvira Pires de Pires ◽  
Dulcinéia Ghizoni Schneider ◽  
Maria Itayra Coelho de Souza Padilha ◽  
Olga Maria Pimenta Lopes Ribeiro ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Communicative Action ◽  
Theory Of Communicative Action ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
Patient Interaction ◽  
The People ◽  
Validity Claims ◽  
Nursing Errors ◽  
The Media ◽  
Social Importance ◽  
Nursing Error

ABSTRACT Objective: to interpret, from the perspective of the Theory of Communicative Action, how the outcome of nursing errors can become attractive to the media, highlighting the main implications for the image of the profession and the imaginary of society. Method: qualitative research, carried out in documentary sources using news published in the major newspapers available online in two countries, Brazil and Portugal, from 2012 to 2016. The analysis of the findings was carried out following the steps of hermeneutics, based on the Theory of Communicative Action. The data were organized and coded in the ATLAS.ti software. Results: the research included 112 published news. Four categories emerged from the analysis: The highlights in the headlines - The beginning of persuasion; Combining image and initial text - An explosive mix; The error that is not an error - The error that is a crime; and Applying the validity claims in the discourses. Conclusion: the media are continuous producers of ideologies and, therefore, possess social responsibility by inducing misinterpretations that can negatively interfere in the nurse-patient interaction. Giving greater emphasis to the outcome of the error, the media influences negatively the people perception of nursing labour which has a unique social importance.

MURAL, KEKUATAN MODAL, DAN MASYARAKAT

DeKaVe ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Akbar Annasher
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Communication Media ◽  
Mural Painting ◽  
The People ◽  
The Media ◽  
Mural Art ◽  
The City ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Special Region

Broadly speaking, this paper discusses the phenomenon of murals that are now spread in Yogyakarta Special Region, especially the city of Yogyakarta. Mural painting is an art with a media wall that has the elements of communication, so the mural is also referred to as the art of visual communication. Media is a media wall closest to the community, because the distance between the media with the audience is not limited by anything, direct and open, so the mural is often used as media to convey ideas, the idea of ??community, also called the media the voice of the people. Location of mural art in situations of public spatial proved inviting the owners of capital to use such means, in this case is the mural. Manufacturers of various products began racing the race to put on this wall media, as time goes by without realizing the essence of the actual mural art was forced to turn to the commercial essence, the only benefit some parties only, the power of public spaces gradually occupied by the owners of capital, they hopes that the community can view the contents of messages and can obtain information for the products offered. it brings motivation and cognitive and affective simultaneously in the community.Keywords: Mural, Public Space, and Society.

PEMBENAHAN TERHADAP LEMBAGA PEMASYARAKATAN DAPAT MENIADAKAN OPSI HUKUMAN MATI BAGI NARAPIDANA DI INDONESIA (THE IMPROVEMENT OF QUALITY OF PENITENTIARY CAN ELIMINATE THE DEATH PENALTY OPTIONS OF CONVICTED CRIMINALS IN INDONESIA)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Nomensen Freddy Siahaan
Keyword(s):  
Death Penalty ◽  
Deterrent Effect ◽  
Criminal Cases ◽  
Psychological Burden ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Public ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time

After a long time was not heard to the public area, lately death penalty toward the criminal cases that classified as extraordinary crime are appear. The author discovers electronic article about the execution of the death penalty which is the prosecutor prepares to execute death penalty toward the drugs dealer. The president of Republic of Indonesia stated that it is necessary to give a deterrent effect to the convicted  criminal and keep the morality of Indonesian teenagers. According to my opinion, the author argues that it will be better and wiser if we discuss about renovating all of the Penitentiary in Indonesia than debating whether death penalty could be done in Indonesia or not, because it will be displeasure many parties, death penalty infringed the human rights of the convicted criminals and cause psychological burden to them, families, the executor of the death penalty, and other parties. Because if we have to improve the quality of the Penitentiary, if the function of Penitentiary for fostering moralily has been optimal or properly enough to the convicted criminals, Indonesia will be no longer need the death penalty option as sanction to the convicted crimanals including for the extraordinary crime (especially for drugs trafficking in our country). Penitentiary is one of the public services which aims for fostering the people that initially have bad habits (commited to the crime), so that they will have the awareness to change their bad attitude into the be better ones, will not harm others, and positively contributed to the society. Already Penitentiary’s conditions should be designed in such a way and as good as possible, so that the inmates feels like at their own home (like having a second home after his own home), and feel humaner to spend their days in the Penitentiary. The author believes that if the Penitentiary has been improved and optimized its function well, then the real purpose of Penitentiary will definitely achieved. As stated in Law Number 12 Year 1995 regarding to Penitentiary Article 2 which states "sanction system are organized in order to fostering the convicted criminals in order to be the real man, aware of their fault, improve themselves, and not to repeat the criminal act so that they can be friendly received by the community, can actively participated in the development of our country, and can socialize themselves as good citizen."Article 3 on this regulation also intensifies the function of Penitentiary "the function of Penitentiary is to prepare convicted criminals to be able to properly integrated to the society, so they can be accepted again as members of the public who are free and responsible ones." 

The War of US against ISIS in Psychological Warfare and Internet as the New Frontline

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Urtak Hamiti
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Good News ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Media Center ◽  
The People ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
The Media ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Hearts And Minds

Barbaric, savage, horrific-these were terms to define the decision of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to murder its captured Jordanian pilot by burning him alive inspired a thesaurus of horror and revulsion. The men who did it, the perpetrators were described by the media as mad men, thugs, monsters. To most of the people, the act itself seemed inexplicable and without sense. However, behind the choreographed and videotaped violence lies a calculated horrible cold logic. Although, ISIS is often portrait as a mighty force on the ground in Syria and Iraq, facts state that they control mainly communications between various provinces in both countries, and, as most guerrilla armies, are militarily weak by conventional measure. ISIS has little or almost none defense against the bombing campaign that is facing now, while US has formed a coalition that is confronting them on the ground as well, after President Barack Obama published the “New Security Doctrine” which includes degrading and finally destroying ISIS. ISIS, however, have proven to be very organized in promoting dramatic acts of violence against their enemies and promoting them two achieve two goals: use terror tactics as a psychological weapon against all those facing them and all those that are to face them in combat. Secondly, through usage of social network platforms to promote killings and executions, the aim of ISIS is to encourage recruits from out of Syria and Iraq, and elsewhere, to join them in their cause. Online operations of ISIS fall under a production group called the Al Hayat Media Center. The Center was created to seduce Westerners into joining the ranks of ISIS and also to distribute propaganda through social and media platforms. It is difficult to assess the success of this operation, but solid sources provided by US military and intelligence estimate that at least 300 Americans are fighting in the ranks of ISIS (at least two Americans have been killed fighting for ISIS in Iraq/Syria region) while the number of Europeans is in thousands. The US Response to this psychological kind of warfare came when President Barack Obama established the Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC) aiming to combat terrorist propaganda. The main strategy of CSCC is not directly to confront ISIS operatives, but rather than that to deal with the people they are trying to recruit. Now, with almost entire international public opinion on their side, it is time for US to more actively respond to ISIS especially in the manner of psychological warfare since it is obvious that operations of “winning hearts and minds” of people in Iraq and Syria are not enough compared to ruthless tactics of ISIS which “winning hearts and minds” by brute force, terror, and vivid violent images. The online propaganda war is a new component to conflicts of 21st century that allows enemies to reach one another’s home fronts directly. ISIS might seem not so strong on the ground but it has captured one fundamental flaw of the media of 21st century-the one that bad news is always good news and that televised violence will always have an audience. ISIS has proclaimed that its goal is to create a caliphate of 21st century but its psychological warfare and propaganda is inspiring individuals throughout the West to commit horrible terrorist crimes. Could this be another mind game set up by ISIS, it remains to be seen. However one thing is for certain, US and its allies must tackle ISIS not only by planes and other military means, but also by a strategy that would eliminate its influence in spreading their propaganda.

scholarly journals Jan Sobieski’s latifundium and the soldiers (1652-1696)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ujma
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Military Service ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Economic Market ◽  
The People ◽  
Actual Strength ◽  
The Military

Abstract An analysis of the relationship between Jan III Sobieski and the people he distinguished shows that there were many mutual benefits. Social promotion was more difficult if the candidate for the office did not come from a senatorial family34. It can be assumed that, especially in the case of Atanazy Walenty Miączyński, the economic activity in the Sobieski family was conducive to career development. However, the function of the plenipotentiary was not a necessary condition for this. Not all the people distinguished by Jan III Sobieski achieved the same. More important offices were entrusted primarily to Marek Matczyński. Stanisław Zygmunt Druszkiewicz’s career was definitely less brilliant. Druszkiewicz joined the group of senators thanks to Jan III, and Matczyński and Szczuka received ministerial offices only during the reign of Sobieski. Jan III certainly counted on the ability to manage a team of people acquired by his comrades-in-arms in the course of his military service. However, their other advantage was also important - good orientation in political matters and exerting an appropriate influence on the nobility. The economic basis of the magnate’s power is an issue that requires more extensive research. This issue was primarily of interest to historians dealing with latifundia in the 18th century. This was mainly due to the source material. Latifundial documentation was kept much more regularly in the 18th century than before and is well-organized. The economic activity of the magnate was related not only to the internal organization of landed estates. It cannot be separated from the military, because the goal of the magnate’s life was politics and, very often, also war. Despite its autonomy, the latifundium wasn’t isolated. Despite the existence of the decentralization process of the state, the magnate families remained in contact with the weakening center of the state and influenced changes in its social structure. The actual strength of the magnate family was determined not only by the area of land goods, but above all by their profitability, which depended on several factors: geographic location and natural conditions, the current situation on the economic market, and the management method adopted by the magnate. In the 17th century, crisis phenomena, visible in demography, agricultural and crafts production, money and trade, intensified. In these realities, attempts by Jan III Sobieski to reconstruct the lands destroyed by the war and to introduce military rigor in the management center did not bring the expected results. Sobieski, however, introduced “new people” to the group of senators, who implemented his policy at the sejmiks and the Parliament, participated in military expeditions and managed his property.

scholarly journals The kiss of death. Public service media under right-wing populist attack

2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199133
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Democratic Accountability ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Public Scrutiny

With the surge of populism in Europe, public service broadcasting has come under increased pressure. The established media are considered part of the corrupt elite not serving the interests of the people. The public service media, for which pluralism is at the core of their remit, are a particular thorn in the side of the populists. Therefore, they attack the financial basis of public service, which is supposed to guarantee their independence. The populist attacks on the traditional broadcasting corporations meet with the interests of neoliberal politics and of those political actors who want to evade public scrutiny and democratic control and do no longer feel committed to democratic accountability. The assaults on the public service media are thus an assault on freedom of the media and further increase the pressure on the democratic system.

scholarly journals Killing a Constitution with a Thousand Cuts: Executive Aggrandizement and Party-state Fusion in India

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Norms

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.

The Role of Religious Force in the Wukan Incident

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Social Management ◽  
The Village

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.

Untrustworthy News and the Media as “Enemy of the People?” How a Populist Worldview Shapes Recipients’ Attitudes toward the Media

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nayla Fawzi
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Theoretical Point ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Negatively Associated ◽  
Commercial Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Normative Expectations ◽  
The Media

A common feature among populist parties and movements is their negative perspective on the media’s role in society. This paper analyzes whether citizens with a populist worldview also hold negative attitudes toward the media. From a theoretical point of view, the paper shows that both the anti-elite, anti-outgroup and people centrism dimension of populism contradicts the normative expectations toward the media. For instance, the assumption of a homogeneous people and the exclusion of a societal outgroup is incompatible with a pluralistic media coverage. The results of a representative survey in Germany predominantly confirmed a relation between a populist worldview and negative media attitudes. However, the three populism dimensions influenced the evaluations not in a consistent way. A systematic relation could only be found for antielite populism, which is negatively associated with all analyzed media evaluations such as media trust or satisfaction with the media’s performance. This indicates that in a populist worldview, the media are perceived as part of a detached elite that neglects the citizens’ interests. However, the results confirm the assumption of a natural ally between populism and tabloid or commercial media. Individuals with people centrist and anti-outgroup attitudes have higher trust in these media outlets.

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