Racialised numerics1

Author(s):  
Karim Murji

This chapter focuses on the Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) recruitment target. The BME target illustrates the policy and political manoeuvring around one of William Macpherson's key recommendations: to increase the proportion of BME police officers. An important basis for increasing the proportion of BME groups in the police is due to pressure on public policy bodies to be more inclusive and representative. This is wider than race and includes gender representation and, commonly, it is based on the proportion in a local population or nationally. The acceptance, denial, and termination of this 10-year policy target underscores the extent of ‘game playing’ with numbers/targets, but it also signals the ways in which the dynamics of race and racism are like a bubble that, when suppressed in one place, ‘pops up’ in another.

Author(s):  
Gabrielle Watson

In this chapter, there is a shift in focus to the statutory power of the police to stop and search, the controversial status of which is not new. Less well documented, however, is that stop and search is highly relevant to the study of respect, since the practice tends to undermine the value, if not render it conspicuously absent. The chapter is organised as follows. The opening section explores how we might sharpen our critique of stop and search by framing it in terms of respect. Stop and search—a common form of adversarial contact between the police and the public—taps into deep and ingrained tensions between preventive policing, the exercise of coercive state authority, due process, and crime control. Among the most incisive criticisms of the power are its disproportionate and discriminatory exercise in relation to minority ethnic groups, its role in eroding police legitimacy, and the invasion of privacy and violation of bodily integrity necessitated by the search itself. The next section assesses three prominent proposals for the reform of stop and search—procedural justice training for police officers, tighter legal regulation of the power, and abolition—in terms of respect.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-18
Author(s):  
O. I. Bezpalova

The author has emphasized on the importance of strengthening the institutional capacity of local self-government agencies to address their challenges, including in the field of public safety, in particular by strengthening local security infrastructure. It has been stated that the urgent issue of the present time is to update the tools of interaction between the local population and the police to achieve a common goal – to ensure public order and safety at the regional level focused on the needs of citizens. It has been emphasized that it is currently important to use the positive foreign experience of organizing the work of the police agencies and units. On the basis of studying this experience it is advisable to implement pilot projects aimed at creating a safe environment for citizens, which should implement effective local security infrastructure. To this end, the project “Community Police Officer” was launched in 2019 as part of the reform of the National Police in Ukraine. Particular attention has been paid to the fact that the main purpose of the project “Community Police Officer” is to ensure close cooperation between police officers and amalgamated community, where police activities are primarily focused on the needs of the community. It has been argued that a characteristic feature of the project “Community Police Officer” is the focus on the introduction of a qualitatively and meaningfully new format of policing, where the needs of the community, local population should be in priority, which should be studied and ensured by keeping constant contacts between police officers and local population. The main innovations of this project have been analyzed. The powers of the community police officer and the district police officer have been differentiated. The key stages of the project “Community Police Officer” have been outlined. Specific features of training community police officers have been characterized, since it directly affects the effectiveness of their duties and the state of public order and safety within a particular amalgamated community. The peculiarities of evaluating the effectiveness of the community police officer’s work have been revealed. The author has emphasized on the importance of developing Regulations on the organization of community police officers’ work and developing an effective mechanism for elaborating the training programs for community police officers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hildon Oliveira Santiago Carade

Abstract This article discusses the implementation of a public security policy - the Community Security Bases program - in Calabar, a favela located on the Atlantic coast of the city of Salvador in Bahia state, Brazil. I explore the ways in which police officers envisage the militarisation of urban peripheries. Setting out from the question, what does policing make possible? I demonstrate that, conceiving their work as a form of redemption for the target community, the Military Police see drug trafficking as something to be overcome, not through the complete extinction of the narcotics trade, but through the ‘pacification’ of the dealers’ actions. Thus the entire police operation consists of diverse attempts to ensure its activities form the sole point of reference for the local population to imitate. As discussed here, this has consequences for the relationship between the Military Police and the residents of this urban periphery.


Subject Corruption and gender. Significance Evidence of differences in male and female attitudes towards corruption has been used to design anti-graft policies in some countries. For example, Peru started hiring more women as traffic police officers because research suggests they are less corrupt. Yet there is still intense debate about whether disparities reflect innate differences in integrity or instead reflect variations in access to power, so that women may be less corrupt because they have fewer opportunities. Impacts Greater participation of women in national politics could see a rise in women engaging in corruption. Gender norms, however, could constrain such behaviours regardless of access to power. Nonetheless, a greater presence of women in public office could lead to shifts in approach in other areas of public policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-272
Author(s):  
Mrigesh Bhatia

COVID-19 is known to disproportionately affect ethnic minorities in number of settings. This phenomenon has also been reported in the UK where the black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) group has adverse health outcomes in terms of number of both cases and mortality rates when compared to the white local population. This trend is also observed among the BAME staff working in the National Health Service. Number of plausible explanations and the importance of various approaches including social-determinants approach is pointed out. This pandemic has re-ignited the debate on social inequalities, issues around social deprivation and health inequalities within the UK. This article concludes with some policy recommendations.


2015 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Hans Andrias Sølvará

<p>This article is about a Faroese conflict in the 1950ies between the majority of the citizens in Klaksvík and the authorities in Tórshavn regarding the resignation of a Danish doctor at the hospital in Klaksvík. The doctor, Olaf Halvorsen, who had a Nazi past in Denmark during the Second World War came to the hospital in Tórshavn in 1948 and was in April 1951 transferred to Klaksvík where he gained overwhelming support throughout the local population. In the meantime, however, Halvorsen was accused by the Danish doctoral community for having had Nazi sympathies during the Second World War. In 1949 the Danish doctor´s union arbitration gave him a reprimand for his ´national conditions` during the war. He was not sentenced any penalty, e.g. he was not excluded from the Doctor´s union, but the arbitration sentenced him to pay the courts costs, 601, 50 Danish Crowns, which he refused to do. This had the effect that Halvorsen lost his membership in the union, which was a precondition for practicing as a hospital doctor. Despite local support the authorities could not let him remain as a doctor at the hospital. Instead, a Faroese Doctor, attached to the leading family in Klaksvík, was employed at the local hospital.</p><p>This apparently minor case developed into a widespread and long­lasting conflict between the vast majority of the citizens in Klaksvík and the authorities in Tórshavn and later also the Danish authorities in Copenhagen that e.g. involved Danish warships with large numbers of police officers at the harbour in Klaksvík, bombs exploding at the police station and gun­ shots at the Faroese prime minister. During this uprising, which lasted for more than two years, from 1953­1955, lawlessness was the rule in the second largest city in the Faroe Islands, until the Danish authorities at last restored law and order in the city.</p><p>The sources behind the article are basically unpublished and so far unexploited primary material from both public archives and private collections in the Faroe Islands. While the main story is well known the analyses of the primary material in this article leads to revisions and new conclusions on the subject. On the analytical level a distinction will be made between the underlying historical and structural conditions behind the outbreak and development of the conflict and the primary actors in the conflict; and on the methodological level a comparison between the nonofficial governmental sourc­ es and the public sources will be used to reveal possible discrepancies between the authorities intentions regarding solutions of the conflict and the picture that the authorities – intentionally or unintentionally – gave the public. This article documents on the empirical level major discrepancies between the authorities real unofficial inten­ tions regarding a solution of the conflict and the picture that the authorities gave to the public.</p><p>The argument in the article is that it was 1) developing tensions between the industrial capital Klaksvík in the North and the administrative capital Tórshavn in the south, 2) socio­economic conditions in Klaksvík, the real industrial capital in the Faroe Islands, and 3) later on also tensions between the strong Faroese separation movement and Danish authorities, which were the main content in this major rebellion. It was, however, the combination between some powerless Faroese home­rule authorities and reluctant Danish authorities, which was the main reason for that this uprising developed into a real rebellion in Klaksvík. During the two years of lawlessness in Klaksvík the conditions could be and were used by rebels in Klaksvík and political parties in the Faroe Islands, which had other goals than to solve the problem.</p><p>This exploitation of the conflict, which only was made possible by a powerless space in the Faroese political realm, escalated the conflict further, but in the end this was a rebellion without clear winners. In conclusion it was not as often argued a united village population (95%) that challenged the local Faroese and later on the Danish state authorities, but it was basically a divided population split across political as well as religious lines that afterwards had to face a troubled self­image, which many were not proud of.</p>In a broader context the conflict about the doctor can be interpreted as a rebellion against the new home rule system of 1948 and its attempt to centralize the new political and administrative power in Tórshavn.


Focaal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (75) ◽  
pp. 14-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erella Grassiani ◽  
Lior Volinz

Jerusalem is a city of extremes, where tourists and pilgrims come to see the sights and pray, but where violence is also a daily affair. In the square kilometer called the Old City, which is part of East Jerusalem and thus considered by the international community as occupied territory, the tensions accumulate as (Jewish) Israeli settlers move into houses in the middle of the Muslim and Christian quarters. In order to secure them, numerous cameras have been installed by the police that show all that happens in the narrow streets of the quarter and private security personnel are stationed on many roofs to watch the area. Furthermore, undercover police officers patrol the streets and at times check IDs of Palestinians. In this article, we focus on policing strategies that Israeli private and public security agents use to control this small and controversial urban space. We argue that the constant presence and movement of police, security personnel, and their surveillance technologies in and through the heart of the Muslim quarter should be analyzed within a colonial context and as a deliberate strategy to control and discipline the local population and to legitimize the larger settler project of the Israeli state. This strategy consists of different performances and thus relationships with policed audiences. First, their (undercover) presence is visible for Palestinians with the effect or intention of intimidating them directly. At the same time they also serve to reassure the Israeli settlers living in the Old City and when in uniform foreign tourists. Both Palestinians and settlers will recognize agents and other security arrangements through experience and internalization of the Israeli security mentality, while tourists see them only when in uniform. However, simultaneously, when undercover, their presence remains largely unseen for this third “audience”; the tourists who are not to be alarmed. By showing their presence to some while remaining invisible to others, security actors and technology “perform” for different audiences, manifesting their power within urban space and legitimizing the Israeli occupation.


Scene ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Justine Nakase

This article uses critical race and performance studies to analyse the Gaelic games as a racialized performance of Irish national identity. As a key project of the Irish Revival, the Gaelic games are not only one of the most popular sports in Ireland but have from their inception been used as a strategic performance of Irish identity. Historically, the Gaelic games allowed Irish athletes to embody an aspirational White masculinity; since then whiteness has become nearly synonymous with Irishness. Yet this conflation of race and nation has become increasingly problematic as the demographics of Ireland shift. While the Gaelic games are often lauded as a space for the integration of new migrant communities, the reception of minority ethnic Irish athletes reveals the limitations of this inclusion. Examining the career of Asian-Irish Gaelic footballer Jason Sherlock – arguably the first ‘superstar’ of the Gaelic games – this article argues that while Irish sport offers a performative space where exclusionary definitions of Irish identity can be challenged, these spaces are often conditional and constrained by larger attitudes around race and racism in the nation at large.


Author(s):  
Karim Murji

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the questions of race and racism, and of policing and policy. In many ways, the landscape around the politics of race and policing has altered dramatically — the extent and depth of research on race, policing, and policy alone bears no comparison with the 1970s and 1980s; the same also applies to public and media discussions of racism. However, there is something very familiar, even unchanging, about the ways in which the same matters recur: complaints of unfair and discriminatory over-policing of black people, of racism and inequality in public policy, and the unresolved legacy of cases from the 1990s. This book argues that the ongoing and unresolved challenges around race and racism are troubling in academic discourse as well as in public policy and debate and, moreover, that the discussion of these is linked together.


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