scholarly journals THE IMPLEMENTATION OF SIYASAH SYAR’IYAH PRINCIPLES IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT DECISION REGARDING TO THE SIMULTANEOUS ELECTION 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Nanik Prasetyoningsih ◽  
Septi Nur Wijayanti ◽  
Anang Syaroni ◽  
Tanto Lailam
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Vice Presidents ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Principle Of Justice ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Voter Groups ◽  
Simultaneous Election

This study aims to examine the Constitutional Court's Decision which carries out General Elections simultaneously from the Syiyasah Syar'iyah perspective, especially on the principle of justice. This research is a doctrinal research and uses two approaches namely the statutory approach and the concept approach. Based on Syiyasah Syar'iyah's perspective, the decision of the Constitutional Court is fair for political parties participating in elections for people who are willing to become candidates/vice presidents, and for people who want to test their electability. This decision also aims to reduce the number of non-voter groups. The Constitutional Court's decision also contains the principle of unity and alliance, because it aims to stop the practical political interests that lead to the collapse of unity.

scholarly journals PENERAPAN PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD PASCA PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 14/PUU-XI/2013

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-80
Author(s):  
Liberthin Palullungan ◽  
Trifonia Sartin Ribo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Party System ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

Indonesia is a country that implements a presidential system and a multi-party system jointly. The implementation of general elections has been regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The presidential threshold is a concept used in proposing candidates for President and Vice President. Proposals are made by political parties or joining political parties by general election participants. This article analyzes the application of the presidential threshold after the Constitutional Court decision Number 114 / PUU-XI / 2013. The purpose of this writing is to determine the application of the Presidensitial threshold after the Constitutional Court decision Number 14 / PUU-XI / 013, and to determine the impact of the Constitutional Court decision number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 on political parties. The research method used is qualitative and conceptual normative research methods. Based on this article, it is known that the application of the presidential threshold in which political parties must obtain seats 20% of the number of seats in the DPR or 25% of the valid votes nationally in the previous DPR elections, so that making new or small parties will not be able to nominate the President and Vice President themselves, but parties can form a coalition.

scholarly journals Resultan Politik dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 dalam Politik Hukum Pemilu

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Election System ◽  
The Law ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
Political Decisions

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.

scholarly journals Efektivitas Kekuatan Eksekutorial Pada Sertifikat Jaminan Fidusia Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 18/PUU-XVII/2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dinda Laras Ayu Pratiwi ◽  
Andi Salman Maggalatung ◽  
Nurhasanah Nurhasanah
Keyword(s):  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Certainty ◽  
Principle Of Justice

This research contains an analysis of the considerations of the Constitutional Court in deciding the Constitutional Court Decision Number 18/PUU-XVII/2019 and the effectiveness of its implementation. This research uses the juridical-normative method and the legal material comes from the Constitutional Court Decision Number 18/PUU-XVII/ 2019 and other decisions. The results of this research revealed that the decision was based on the principle of justice and legal certainty. The implementation itself has not been going well because there are still several unfulfilled factors.

scholarly journals AKIBAT HUKUM REGULASI TENTANG THRESHOLD DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM LEGISLATIF DAN PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Sholahuddin Al-Fatih
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
National Scale ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
Democratic Country ◽  
Legislative Election

ABSTRAKIndonesia telah menyelenggarakan 11 kali pemilihan umum (pemilu) sejak tahun 1955. Hingga saat ini, rezim hukum pemilu telah melahirkan banyak regulasi dan ketentuan baru, seperti aturan tentang threshold atau ambang batas. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 menyatakan bahwa Pasal 208 Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2012 tentang Pemilu Legislatif terkait dengan ambang batas parlemen (parliamentary threshold) sebesar 3,5% tidak berlaku secara nasional. Melengkapi putusan tersebut, Mahkamah Konstitusi melalui Putusan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 menyebutkan bahwa pemilu tahun 2019 berlaku secara serentak, yang secara yuridis berdampak pada pola penerapan threshold. Rumusan masalah yang akan diurai dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana akibat hukum regulasi tentang threshold dalam pemilihan umum legislatif dan pemilihan presiden pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 dan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam konteks negara demokrasi, ambang batas atau threshold diterapkan sebagai batas untuk menyaring kandidat anggota legislatif ataupun presiden yang bersifat open legal policy dan diserahkan kepada pembuat undang-undang.Kata kunci: pemilihan umum legislatif, pemilihan presiden, ambang batas. ABSTRACTIndonesia has held 11 general elections since 1955. Up to now, the regime of general electoral law has given birth to many new regulations and provisions, such as regulations on threshold. The Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 states that Article 208 of Law Number 8 of 2012 concerning the Legislative Election with a parliamentary threshold of 3.5% does not apply on a national scale. Complementing the ruling, the Constitutional Court through Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 states the 2019 general election applies simultaneously that it may bring juridical effect on the pattern of threshold application. The formulation of the problem to be explained in this analysis is how the legal impact of the regulation on threshold in legislative and presidential elections after the issuance of Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 and Number 14/PUU-XI/2013. This analysis uses a normative juridical research method. The results of the study show that in the context of a democratic country, the threshold is applied as a limit to filter out presidential candidates or legislative members, which is open legal policy and submitted to lawmakers. Keywords: legislative election, presidential election, threshold. 

scholarly journals The Ideal Concept of Presidential Threshold Arrangement to Achieve Constitutional Rights of New Political Parties in a simultaneous general election in Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mukhtarrija ◽  
I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani ◽  
Agus Riwanto
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Vice President ◽  
General Election ◽  
Legal Issue ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Vice Presidents ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
The People ◽  
General Elections

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.

PERBEDAAN TAFSIR MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM MEMUTUS PERKARA PEMILIHAN UMUM SERENTAK

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suparto Suparto
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Vice President ◽  
General Election ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Legislative Election

ABSTRAKSelama ini pemilu presiden dan pemilu legislatif dilakukan secara terpisah atau tidak serentak. Pemilu legislatif selalu dilakukan sebelum pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden. Pemilihan umum yang dilakukan secara terpisah dianggap lebih banyak dampak negatifnya serta tidak sesuai dengan UUD NRI 1945. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan peraturan perundangundangan. Rumusan masalahnya adalah bagaimanakah pertimbangan hakim konstitusi dalam memutus Putusan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sehingga terjadi perbedaan dengan putusan sebelumnya Nomor 51-52-59/PUUVI/ 2008 terkait dengan pelaksanaan pemilu serentak. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pertimbangan hakim konstitusi dalam memutus Putusan Nomor 14/PUUXI/ 2013 tentang pengujian Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terjadi inkonsistensi. Putusan Nomor 14/ PUU-XI/2013 memutuskan bahwa pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden harus dilaksanakan secara bersamaan dengan pemilu anggota DPR, DPR, dan DPRD. Sedangkan dalam putusan sebelumnya yaitu Putusan Nomor 51-52-59/PUU-VI/2008 pada pengujian pasal dan undang-undang yang sama (Pasal 3 ayat (5) Undang- Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008), Mahkamah Konstitusi memutuskan bahwa pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden yang dilaksanakan setelah pemilu anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD (tidak serentak) adalah tidak bertentangan dengan UUD NRI 1945 (konstitusional). Terjadinya pertentangan putusan ini antara lain disebabkan oleh perbedaan pilihan penafsiran konstitusi.Kata kunci: inkonsistensi, mahkamah konstitusi, pemilu serentak. ABSTRACTDuring this time, the presidential and legislative elections are conducted separately or not simultaneously. The Legislative Elections are always carried out prior to the General Elections of the President and Vice President. The general election is conducted separately as considerably having more negative impacts and inconsistency with the 1945 Constitution. This analysis uses descriptive analysis method with the pertinent laws and regulations approach. The formulation of the issue is what the Constitutional Court Justices took into consideration in its Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 leading to differences to that of its previous Decision Number 51- 52-59/PUU-VI/2008 concerning the implementation of simultaneous elections. The analysis results show inconsistencies in the consideration of the Constitutional Court Justices in ruling the case through the Decision Number 14/PUU-X/2013 on the judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the General Elections of the President and Vice President. The Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-X/2013 decided that the General Election of the President and Vice President should be implemented simultaneously with the Legislative Election for the Member of the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council, and the Regional House of Representatives. As for the previous decision, the Constitutional Court Decision Number 51-52-59/PUU-VI/2008 on the judicial review of the same article and law (Article 3 (5) of Law Number 42 of 2008), the Constitutional Court decided that the elections of the President and Vice President conducted after the Legislative Election for the Member of the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council, and the Regional House of Representatives (not simultaneously) is not contradictory to the 1945 Constitution. The contradiction of these decisions is partly due to the variety of interpretation on the constitution.Keywords: inconsistency, the constitutional court, simultaneous elections.

RELEVANSI PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD DENGAN PRINSIP KEDAULATAN RAKYAT

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-232
Author(s):  
Andi Desmon
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
Vice Presidents ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Voice

As a means of implementing popular sovereignty, general elections have become a sort of agenda for modern state routines within a certain period of time to distribute power. Constitutionally, the implementation of general elections has been regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The Presidential threshold is the concept of proposing presidential and vice presidential candidates. This proposal is carried out by political parties or joint political parties in election elections. Political parties or joint political parties are responsible for the proposed pair of presidents and vice presidents. This paper uses normative juridical research. General elections are the implementation of the principle of popular sovereignty. One of the principles of popular sovereignty is the recognition of the majority of the voice of sovereignty and giving respect to the voice of minorities by providing equal opportunities and benefits to achieve equality and justice. Therefore the implementation of the presidential threshold is not relevant to the principle of popular sovereignty, because it does not give respect to political parties that get a minority vote by providing equal opportunities and benefits to achieve equality and justice.

scholarly journals Analisis Pasangan Calon Tunggal Dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kota Pematang Siantar Tahun 2020

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 298-317
Author(s):  
Gary Timothy Hasian Purba ◽  
Subhilhar Subhilhar ◽  
Hatta Ridho
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Candidate Pair ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Legal Power ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Legal Force ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

The purpose of this study was to analyze a single candidate pair in the regional head election of Pematang Siantar City in 2020. The purpose of this study was to explain why there was a single candidate pair in Pematang Siantar City. The legality of the Constitutional Court Decision number 100/PUU-XII/2015 is a legal force to uphold the meaning of democracy in political contestation, in this case regional head elections. Besides that, the essence of democracy which promises freedom to be elected and to vote is an additional power to bring up a single candidate pair. The failure to regenerate political parties is another trigger for the emergence of a single candidate pair in the post-conflict local election. Not only in Pematang Siantar City but also throughout Indonesia. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with interview instruments involving political party administrators and political observers in Pematang Siantar City in addition to references to single candidate pairs. The weak cadre of political parties with the presence of wholesale parties makes incumbents not get support in Pematang Siantar City. The legal power of the Constitutional Court's decision and the meaning of democracy to be elected and voted made the single candidate pair in Pematang Siantar City win the post-conflict local election against an empty box.

scholarly journals Article 24C Paragraph 1 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia: History and Critical Analysis of Disputes on the Authority of State Institutions

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-412
Author(s):  
Demas Brian W ◽  
Sudarsono ◽  
Rachmad Safa’at ◽  
Muchamad Ali Safa’at
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
State Institution ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Independent State ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Executive Agency ◽  
State Requirement

In simple terms, the ratio legis can be interpreted as the reason why there is a provision in the law. Article 24C paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia determines the authority possessed by the Constitutional Court, paragraph (1) reads: The Constitutional Court has the authority to adjudicate at the first and final levels whose decisions are final to examine laws against the Constitution, decide disputes over authority a state institution whose authority is granted by the Constitution, decides on the dissolution of political parties, and decides on disputes regarding the results of general elections. The limiting provisions of Article 24C paragraph (1) seem to close the scope for expanding the Constitutional Court authority to decide disputes over the authority of independent state institutions. Meanwhile, this is a state requirement. This research uses a statutory approach with a descriptive analysis method. The conclusions obtained are: 1) it is not possible that a state institution that has supervisory authority has conflict with other legal institutions; 2) there are state institutions whose authorities are regulated by law and have the potential for authority disputes, but are resolved through the executive agency; 3) there is the authority of state institutions that have the potential for conflict of authority but there are no rules for resolving them.  

scholarly journals Peningkatan Calon Tunggal Dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Christya Putranti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Commission Regulation ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Harsh Criticism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Leaders

Regional Leaders Election (Pilkada) is an interesting matter to discuss, Pilkada regulations have undergone several changes, the phenomenon of change occurs starting from the appointment of a regional head, in which was initially elected by House of Presentatives (DPR) until finally returned to the public as people's sovereignty, the enactment of Law No. 1 of 2015 concerning about the stipulation of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 20114 which discussed about the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors into a law which enforced the return of elections to be carried out by House of Presentatives  which led to harsh criticism from the public so in the end government restored the public's right to vote. Another interesting thing is that as a result of the people's sovereignty, the right to be elected and to elect the citizens, especially in regions, must be implemented. Unfortunately, the problem this has become a new problem, which was the delay in the implementation of regional elections. In Law No. 32 of 2004 concerning about Regional Government in which only regulates that regional heads are proposed through a combination of political parties and political parties, after the decision of  Constitutional Court Number 5 / PUU-V / 2007 individual candidates also can run for regional head candidates.  Law Number 18 of 2015 had been reviewed by the Constitutional Court Number 100 / PUU-VIII / 2015. The blank ballot box regulation then appears in General Elections Commission Regulation (PKPU) Number 14 of 2015 concerning about the election for Governor and Vice Governor, Regent and Vice Regent and / or Mayor and Vice Mayor upon follow-up to the Constitutional Court decisions. This study will focus on the increasing blank ballot box that continues to increase, starting from a single candidate with “agree and disagree" boxes to the enforcement of the blank ballot box. It means that from 2015 Regional Leaders Election experienced a significant increase. This research used normative legal research method by examining laws and regulations, General Elections Commission Regulation (PKPU), and literature studies.

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