scholarly journals Relasi Nasionalisme Etnik, Nasionalisme Negara dan Nasionalisme Kewarganegaraan di Papua

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-110
Author(s):  
Susanto T. Handoko ◽  
La Ode Hasirun

This article aims to discuss the dynamics of relations between ethnic nationalism, civic nationalism and state nationalism in the Land of Papua. The growth and development of Papuan ethnic nationalism since the integration of Papua into reform was caused by Indonesian state policies. Historical method is used in this research. The research approach is a qualitative approach to phenomenological research design. Strengthening Papuan ethnic nationalism due to the Central Government's (Jakarta) policies that were not fully accepted by indigenous Papuans. The Papuan people felt marginalized and discriminated against in the process of development in both the political, economic, social and cultural fields, especially during the New Order government. Papuan ethnic nationalism is characterized by demands for independence from the Indonesian state and instrumentalization of ethnicity for political purposes. Ethnic nationalism eventually shifts the civic and or state nationalism as part of the Indonesian state.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanto T Handoko

<p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Diskursus tentang Papua yang dikembangkan selalu dikaitkan dengan tiga isu utama yang saling berkelindan yaitu konflik, politik, dan sumber daya alam. Padahal Papua memiliki kekayaan kearifan lokal yang luar biasa. Pendekatan penelitian adalah pendekatan kualitatif dengan desain penelitian fenomenologi. Penelitian ini juga didukung metode sejarah yang meliputi: penelusuran sumber sejarah, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan eksplanasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kearfian lokal Papua dalam bentuk <em>Para-Para Adat,</em>  <em>Tikar Adat,  </em> <em>Bakar Batu</em> dan <em>Bayar Kepala</em>, memberikan nilai budaya kepada tatanan hidup dan relasi sosial. Kearifan lokal yang menjadi modal sosial  untuk membangun dan mengembangkan perdamaian di Papua. Modal sosial ini bila dibangun, dirawat, dikembangkan, dan diimplementasikan dapat menjadi wahana peredam dalam menyelesaikan konflik yang terjadi. Keberagaman di Papua baik suku bangsa, ras, agama, budaya, dan lainnya menjadi sisi positif dalam menggerakkan pembangunan untuk mensejahterakan seluruh penduduk yang tinggal di Papua. Namun demikian pemberdayaan penduduk lokal dalam segala aspek kehidupan adalah hal yang paling urgen. Sehingga terjalin relasi dinamis dan sinergis antara <em>etnic</em> nasionalisme dengan <em>state</em> nasionalisme dan melahirkan serta menumbuhkembangkan <em>civic</em> nasionalisme.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Kata Kunci:</strong> kearifan lokal; modal sosial; perdamaian; Papua;</p><p> </p><p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>The discourse about Papua that has been developed has always been linked to three main interrelated issues, namely conflict, politics, and natural resources. Though Papua has a wealth of extraordinary local wisdom. The research approach is a qualitative approach to phenomenological research design. This research is also supported by historical methods which include: tracing historical sources, source criticism, interpretation and explanation, and historiography. The results showed that the local wisdom  were in the form Para-Para Adat,  Tikar Adat,   Bakar Batu and Bayar Kepala, giving cultural values to the order of life and social relations. Local wisdom becomes social capital to build and develop peace in Papua. This social capital if it is built, maintained, developed and implemented can be a vehicle of silencing in resolving conflicts that occur. Diversity in Papua, both ethnic groups, races, religions, cultures, and others, is a positive side in driving development for the welfare of all residents living in Papua. However, empowering local people in all aspects of life is the most urgent thing. So that there is a dynamic and synergic relationship between ethnic nationalism and state nationalism and giving birth and developing civic nationalism.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> local wisdom; social capital; peace; Papua;</em>


2021 ◽  

Although it has been claimed that we live in an age of constitutionalism, national and transnational constitutions neither appear as uniform models nor as uncontested means of setting the rules of the game in the political, economic, or religious domain. This book aims to convince readers of a cultural perspective on constitutions. Tying in with the research approach of the Käte Hamburger Center “Law as Culture”, the term “constitutional culture” evokes the multidimensional life of a constitution that cannot be restricted to its – though essential – textual normative provisions and authorized interpreters. Grasping the foundational force and societal influence of constitutions by means of cultural theory and analysis also calls for the investigation of narratives, symbols, rituals, materials, and places in which constitutions are framed and reproduced. With this objective in mind, the contributions to this volume, written by lawyers, sociologists, and political scientists, illuminate different dimensions of the cultural manifestation of constitutions as well as contemporary legal, political, and social struggles arising around their shape and range of influence in various regions of the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
Maria Winda Klaudia ◽  
Ida Bagus Nyoman Wartha

Based on the description above, the research problem is focused on 1) How is indonesian’s situation ahead of the reformation? 2) How was indonesian’s political and economic reform period 1998-1999? 3) How was indonesian’s political and economic development in the early years of 1998-1999? The method used in this study is the historical method. Data collection techniques using observation and documentation techniques,while the data analysis techniques used are qualititative descriptive. The results of the study showed that political and economic development gave good influence, especially in the political field, the antusiasm and participation of the people in the political field were increasingly high, one of them was the formation of new parties. There is an improvement in human right (HAM) which was previously violated during the new order era, justice in the whole word. While in the economic field to improve the economic which was slumped mainly in the bangking sector, the goverment formed the national bangking restructuring agency (BPPN). Furthermore the govermet issued no 5 of 1999 concering the prohibition of monopolistic pratices and unfair competition, as well as law no 8 of 1999 concering consumer protection. The conclusions of the political and economic development of Indonesians society in the early days of reform led to better changes, especially government policies which gave wider room for rights to express opinions and thughts both oral and written. Whereas in the economic field the rate of economic growth began to be positive although not far from 1%.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 803
Author(s):  
Zeki Tekin ◽  
Gülnaz Okumuş

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Mankind has put forth a special effort to ensure the order of society since the very beginning of it. The Ottoman State, has always ensured the public and social order like other Islamic states in the light of Allah's commandments. However, the present order started deteriorating due to dwindling basic principles (justice, merit, consultancy ...) with time which were imposed by the Shariah Law; to which the Ottoman Empire was subjected.</p><p>The radical developments in the political, economic, social and legal fields that took place in Europe had affected the Ottoman State seriously like other states. Under the influence of all these internal and external dynamics, the Ottoman Empire started quest for a new order and attempted to bring a series of reforms under the name of westernization or modernization. Thus in the Ottoman State, besides these reform movements, the idea of creating a constitution had also emerged.</p><p>This study tries to find out the internal and external dynamics in the formation of Kanun-ı Esasi which was the first constitution of the Ottoman Empire in the modern sense and the consequences of this quest for order.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>İnsanoğlu, var olduğundan beri yaşadığı toplumun düzenini temin edebilmek için özel bir çaba göstermiştir. Kuruluşu itibariyle Ortaçağ devletlerinden olan Osmanlı Devleti, diğer İslam devletleri gibi kamu ve toplum düzenini her zaman Allah’ın hükümleri doğrultusunda tesis etmiştir. Ancak Osmanlının   tâbi olduğu şer’i hukukun vaz ettiği temel prensiplerin (adalet, liyakat, meşveret…) zamanla göz ardı edilmesi ile mevcut düzen bozulmaya başlamıştır.</p><p>Avrupa’da meydana gelen siyasal, ekonomik, toplumsal ve hukuk alanlarındaki köklü gelişmeler Osmanlı Devleti’ni ciddi anlamda etkilemiştir. Tüm bu iç ve dış dinamiklerin tesiriyle yeni düzen arayışına giren Osmanlı Devleti, batıcılık ya da modernleşme adı altında bir dizi reform teşebbüslerinde bulunmuştur. Osmanlı Devleti’nde bu reform hareketlerine paralel olarak bir anayasa oluşturma düşüncesi de böylece ortaya çıkmıştır.</p><p>Bu çalışmada Osmanlının modern anlamda ilk anayasası olan Kanun-ı Esasi’nin oluşumuna kaynaklık eden iç ve dış dinamiklerin neler olduğu ve bunların tesirleri ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.</p>


Emik ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-174
Author(s):  
Lula Asri Octafia

The current Covid-19 pandemic has had an impact on the political, economic, social, cultural, defense and security aspects as well as the welfare of the Indonesian people. Therefore, effective fast steps are needed to break the chain of the spread of Covid-19. One way to prevent transmission of this virus is through vaccination efforts. While the existing literature focuses more on State policies, public responses related to the effectiveness and safety of vaccines, as well as hoax news related to vaccines, the related literature on vaccines and the choice of vaccine if any is still very limited, this article fills that gap. This qualitative research was carried out in Makassar, considering that Makassar is one of the metropolitan cities and many of its people has been vaccinated through Covid-19 vaccination programs. Data was collected using in-depth interview. Informants who participated in this study were people who had and had not carried out the Covid-19 vaccination. With a total of twenty-five people, they vary on the basis of age (between 18 and 29 years), sex (18 women and 7 men), and employment status (ten of them are students, employees, online shop owners, editors, musicians, painters, work odd jobs, and labor). The results show that the emergence of the Covid-19 vaccine has become the subject of public debate, many agreed and not a few refused to be vaccinated. This debate is due to differences in perceptions regarding the definition of the Covid-19 vaccine and the benefits of the vaccine itself. In terms of what type of vacciness they are used, there are three types of vaccines that are popularly used by our participants in this study, namely Sinovac, Astra Zeneca, and Moderna. Apart from the debate about the level of efficacy of each vaccine, the choice of vaccine is related to the level of efficacy, side effects and availability of the vaccine itself. It is argued in this article that whatever the effect of a particular vaccine, as long as the side effect is balanced by its efficacy, then the effect is not an issue.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Dwi Haryanto

<p>This article examines the textuality relationship between the historical facts of biography and the narrative structure of films that present figures who during the New Order regime were alienated from Indonesian historiography. Some films such as <em>GIE, Soegija, Sang Kiai, Soekarno, </em>and<em> Jenderal Sudirman</em> were able to deconstruct the meaning of historical films produced by the New Order regime which was dominated by Suharto's image. The emergence of biopic films that narrate characters with plurality of identity are deconstructive characters and reflect the antithesis of filmmakers on national film products in the era of Soeharto regime. In the New Order era, historical epic films were identical to the hegemony of the military struggle which reduced the narrative of civil society, such as <em>kiai</em> and <em>santri</em> and other minority groups. Actually, in the context of historical facts they also had great contribution in the era of nation formation through ethnic nationalism and civic nationalism. The Indonesianism discourse reflected in the hidden meanings of biopic films studied represent the plurality of ideologies and identity political formation in popular culture products.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 779-789
Author(s):  
Misheck Dube

The perpetual growth in the population of widows globally signals the need for systematic research and interrogation of the phenomenon of widowhood. Under-resourced communities have been side-lined from imperative investigations and systematic documentation to inform practice.  This article discusses the risks associated with widowhood in under-resourced communities of Binga District in Zimbabwe. Following a qualitative research approach and a phenomenological research design, purposive sampling was employed to engage ten widows in one-on-one in-depth interviews. Data were analysed thematically and backed up by existing literature to provide thick descriptions. The findings of the study indicated that widows were exposed to an arsenal of health, psychological, social and economic risks. Many of the risks associated with widowhood are exacerbated by lack of supportive environments and provision of conducive environment to trigger proper adaptation mechanism especially among the young widows in under-resourced communities. The conclusions reached were that widowhood risk factors continue to increase among widows in under-resourced communities impacting negatively on optimal living and adaptation with the widows’ circumstances.


Author(s):  
Herdi Sahrasad

Under the Dutch colonial, the Dutch (white skin) become the  political, economic and social elites in the colonial society, while middle class consisted of far east people (Chinese, Arab, India, etc), and bumiputera (indigenous Muslim) people laying in lower layer functioning producer of natural resources or traditional (feo­dal) elite. Dutch elites (top local officials, such as resident), Chinese elite (officer), and traditional elite (regents) are "Top Branch" of colonial society. The structure has been continuing in the era of Soekarno’s Old Order and Soeharto’s New Order. And under the New Order, the political practices of minority have serious social-political implications related to negative image that always inherent in Tionghoa (Chinese) people of Indonesia. The Indonesian Chinese (Tionghoa) often be assumed as source of various problems, simply could be ‘scapegoat’, if there are riots, economic crisis and racialism. Under the New Order, the Indonesian Chinese remain to treated as the others, the marginalized people. In the post Soeharto’s New Order 1998, however, the Chinese have been awakening gradually to join political parties and social organizations to take part in democratization and governance, even most of the Chinese conglomerates (taipan) has been the richest in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Sismanto Sismanto ◽  
Riswadi Riswadi

Indonesians have different backgrounds; they can live in harmony and side by side without any friction and conflict due to cooperation between religions in an excellent multicultural frame. The research approach is library research. The primary data source used is the Qur'an with the thematic method, while secondary data is in books, journals, and documentation. The study findings show; (1) the cooperation verses in the Qur'an, fifteen verses have the Madaniyah status, and seven verses have the Makiyah status. These verses are grouped into three things: cooperation based on Islamic brotherhood, cooperation based on ukhuwah wathaniyah or nationality, and cooperation based on ukhuwah basyariah human-based. Somebody can carry out a partnership based on ukhuwah basyariah in a multicultural context can be carried out in the political, economic, cultural, and social fields. (2) The hadiths related to the cooperation verses are found in Sahih Muslim numbers 2704 and 2705, Sahih Bukhari numbers 2124 and 2811, Sunan Nasai numbers 3867 and 3871. Based on the transmission line, the hadith is agreed to be a valid hadith even though there are differences in the text, but the meaning has the same substance.


Author(s):  
Bilge Yesil

This chapter analyzes the media's role in the containment of Kurdish ethnic nationalism and political Islam as undertaken by the military-led state in the 1990s. In this transformational decade, the emergence of new actors—such as commercial media, civil society organizations, Islamist networks, and Kurdish activists—created serious concerns for the Kemalist elite and the political economic order they had established decades ago. From the military-bureaucratic circles to the pro-state big capital owners, these power holders hoped to preserve their clout and sustain the central power of the state at a time when the country was encountering global, neoliberal currents. The chapter first discusses the reproduction of nationalist ethos in mainstream media and the state suppression of Kurdish media, both domestically and transnationally. It then investigates the state's attempts to rein in political Islam and the role mainstream media assumed in this process. Emphasis is placed on the political economic pacts between military-bureaucratic elite and media proprietors.


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