scholarly journals New Jersey’s Zoning Amendment

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Alex Costin

A half century before the New Jersey Supreme Court endorsed inclusionary zoning in Southern Burlington N.A.A.C.P. v. Mount Laurel Township, the state struggled to secure basic municipal zoning. While New Jersey’s political elite embraced zoning in the 1910s and 20s to weather a period of tremendous growth and change, a disapproving judiciary steadfastly maintained that the practice violated basic property rights. Hundreds of state court decisions in the 1920s held zoning ordinances unconstitutional. Finally, the people of New Jersey in 1927 overwhelmingly passed an amendment to the state constitution overruling those decisions and affirming zoning as a reasonable exercise of the state’s police power. This essay traces those uncertain early years of zoning in New Jersey. The amendment was not the result of a state monolithically coming to its senses. Instead, its passage documents a decade-long struggle played out not only in the courts and legislature but also in the press and the town meeting.

Author(s):  
William A. Penn

When a Confederate officer scribbled in his journal after the Second Battle of Cynthiana that Morgan’s men were “plundering & pillaging … the best rebel town of our native state,” he was expressing a widely held perception that, in the Bluegrass, Cynthiana was a “Rebel town.” This reputation was earned in the early years of the war after a series of implicating events: the county judge, county clerk, sheriff, and newspaper editor were arrested for being southern sympathizers; one of the very first Kentucky Rebel volunteer companies was from Harrison County, marching off to war as a Confederate flag was displayed on the courthouse flagpole; and the majority of Harrison County recruits joined the Confederate army. At this divisive time, a citizen admitted: “It is not safe for a man to talk about or in favor of the Union.” The state representatives from Harrison County were known to be prosouthern by their speeches during the neutrality period. Rep. Lucius Desha fled behind Confederate lines to avoid being arrested, only to be indicted for treason on returning to the state. Cincinnati newspapers and a US representative from Bourbon County pointed to the arrest of about sixty citizens to support their contention that Cynthiana was full of “lurking Rebels” and described the town as a “pestiferous Secession hole.” A militia officer, writing state officials in October 1861, referred to “Cynthiana, that infernal hole of rebellion.” And in correspondence with President Lincoln about shipping guns through Harrison County, the clerk of the Kentucky state court of appeals warned, “Cynthiana is a dark hole of traitors.” Even after the war ended, complaints surfaced that some candidates for office in Harrison County were former “stay-at-home rebels.”...


2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-153
Author(s):  
MICHAEL WILLIS

The Bhojśālā or ‘Hall of Bhoja’ is a term used to describe the centre for Sanskrit studies associated with King Bhoja, the most celebrated ruler of the Paramāra dynasty. The Bhojśālā is also linked to Sarasvatī – the goddess of learning – whose shrine is said to have stood in the hall's precinct. Since the early years of the twentieth century, the mosque adjacent to the tomb of Kamāl al-Dīn Chishtī in the town of Dhār has been identified as the Bhojśālā. This has turned the building into a focal point of religious, social and political tension. Access to the site, currently under the protection of the Archaeological Survey of India, has been marked by communal friction and disputes in the press and in the courts. My aim in this paper is not to chart this sorry tale of events; I only need note that the legal and political wrangles, not to mention a steady flow of inflammatory assertions, have formed a toxic backdrop to the scholarly publications cited in the pages that follow. A second issue beyond the scope of this paper is how the medieval history of Dhār has played its part in the wider ‘invention of tradition’ and formation of modern Hindu identity. Stepping back from these concerns, my ambition here is rather modest: I seek only to explore how the mosque at Dhār has come to be described as the Bhojśālā and, on this basis, to undertake an assessment of that identification. Along the way, I will touch on a number of problems concerning the history, architecture and literary culture of central India.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Maxine N. Lurie

The overall question of this article is what it meant for those living in seventeenth century New Jersey to be part of the English Empire. Did it matter at the local level? How did imperial changes (between Dutch and English, various proprietors) impact the settlers? What happens to our understanding of this time and place if we look at it from the perspective of the people on the ground, using surviving local town meeting records as the source? To find answers the paper asks two related questions: who were the settlers and where did they come from? And also what attracted them – was it land or religious freedom, or perhaps a combination of both?


Democracy allows the people to have equal rights in decision-making that can change their lives. Consequently, opposition and coalition exist in this political system. While the opposition aims to correct and evaluate various government decisions, the coalition is the power holder or supporter of the government. Because Indonesia is a country that uphold legal formal consisting of many political parties, a coalition government party must be formed. This is done by gathering other parties until the government can run effectively so that it has the basis of a combination and effective legitimacy. In the second period of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cabinet, the emergence of political parties that were powerless and did not dare to become the government's opposition became evidence of the need for democratization. The emergence of elitism, centralization, and anti-public, as well as the freezing of political structures and the backwardness of the cultural attitudes of the Indonesian people caused the opposition to stand on the word of democratization. Therefore coalitions and opposition are two important parts in building a democratic governance system in Indonesia. This article underlines that democracy in the political elite tends to produce a pseudo and half-hearted democracy. Therefor, the portrait of democratization is needed as a reinforcement of all elements of civil society and thus is not seen as a "devout movement of the state", but an urgent movement to change the attitude of the state through changes in the political composition within it.


Infolib ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-60
Author(s):  
Gulchehra Abdulhay ◽  

The article analyzes the activities of the Bolsheviks to strengthen Soviet power in the country by granting autonomy to Turkestan through the prism of national and Russian editions of 1918-1924. It is shown that the state border of Central Asia was important for the people of Turkestan, but this issue was excluded from the news of the press day.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-116
Author(s):  
S. Fazal Daoud Firdausi

Tourism development in any region is influenced by political culture and processes. It is inherently linked to the policies, agenda, decisions, outcomes and the type of government responsible for shaping policies related to tourism. The paper tries to find out the impact of political culture on tourism development. It also aims to assess the role of political culture in influencing tourist motivation through the data collected from urban tourist centres of the Southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Mixed method, consisting qualitative interpretation as well as descriptive and inferential statistics has been used to draw conclusions. It has come out from the study that the political culture of Tamil Nadu state may be characterized as a mix of subject and participant culture, where latter dominates the former. It can be concluded that the people of the state have always participated in political process through voting and changing the regime from time to time. The study also indicates that most of the people of the state are aware of their political obligations and actively participate in social campaigns and civic life. It can be concluded that the existing political culture in the state has compelled the political elite to think and work for the development of the state, including tourism development.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-825
Author(s):  
Franc Grad ◽  
Igor Kaučič

The Constitution of Slovenia guarantees local government, nevertheless it does not regulate forms of local democracy. Thus, the legislation envisages numerous different ways of citizens' participation, both direct and indirect, in decision-making in local communities. Still the local elections remain the most important way of citizens’ influencing decision making in local communities. The right of the people living in local communities to vote local authorities and to be elected for local offices is certainly the core of modern understanding of local democracy. In Slovenia, both members of municipal council and mayor are directly elected. Right to vote and to be elected have also EU citizens while other foreigners have only right to vote. Among forms of direct participation, the most important ones are the town meeting, referendum, popular initiative and right to petition. They enable the citizens to participate in the processes of deliberation, proposing and formulating decisions, stating preliminary positions with regard to decisions to be made as well as decision-making itself or confirming the solutions adopted.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
S. Syzdykov ◽  
Keyword(s):  

In general, in the era of the Golden Horde, the name of the idea «Mangilik El» was officially used as «Power of the Eternal Tengri». The texts in the press of Khan Kuyuk, in the letter of Khan Argun, written to the address of the French king Philip, and in the documents confirming the authority of the ambassador of the Khan of the Golden Horde Uzbek, began with the words «Power of the Eternal Tengri». Here V. Bartold’s conclusion that the word «Mongol» was first used in the name of his state under Genghis Khan and only later turned into the name of the people from a scientific point of view is correct. The word «Mongol» under Genghis Khan was used not as an ethnonym, but as a political name and served as the ideology of the empire, or the state ideology. This ideology was not invented anew, it became the ideology of the empire of Genghis Khan by adopting the state ideology of the Turkic Khaganate «Mangilik El», formed on the basis of the Turkic worldview. And the term «Mongol» also came from the name of the ideology «Mangilik El».


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adéyẹmí Balógun

In the precolonial period, the coastal town of Ìkòrodú played a prominent role in the traffic of goods and services between traders on its coast and many Yorùbá groups who lived in the interior. While this traffic was sustained by socio-political institutions such as the Oloja and the Osugbo cult, the role of religious groups – including the Ifá priests, Màgbó, Líw`ẹ and Agẹmọ – remained highly influential because they represent the deities and spirits which shaped Ìkòrodú’s inhabitants’ views about social life, economic activities and political institutions. Ìkòrodú has, however, experienced a transformation from a traditional commercial economy into an urban center with modern industrial firms and capital infrastructures. The town has also witnessed the emergence of Muslimand Christian groups, and socio-ethnic groups from many parts of Nigeria. This transformation has not only challenged the authority of the traditional institutions in Ìkòrodú, it has also impacted on the religious beliefs and practices which underpin the socio-economic and political systems of the people. A notable example is the reduction in dates of religious festivals which Traditionalists believe were once instrumental in sustaining social order and prosperity in the town. The power of the state has also affected the responsibilities of the Traditionalists in the town. This article further shows how this transformation hasshaped relations between religious groups and the state in Ìkòrodú.


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