scholarly journals The Operational Environment Influence on the Development Level of Military Structures

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-118
Author(s):  
Constantin Grigoraş
Keyword(s):  
New Technologies ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Operational Environment ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Political Decision Maker ◽  
The People ◽  
Potential Factors ◽  
The One ◽  
Military Structure ◽  
The Military

Abstract The war has not disappeared and will never disappear. It is constantly changing, in perfect correlation with those who created it, the people organized into social structures. It changes according to the changes in the operational environment, influenced, in turn, by the technical-scientific discoveries. All these changes impose a new philosophy of warfare in which the methods of creating and using forces acquire new valences generated by the diversity and the possibilities of access to the new technologies. Knowing the way in which indirect (having the potential) factors influence the fighting capacity of a military structure is just as useful for predicting the outcome of the operation/battle/war. Knowing this assessment, the military decision makers will be able to submit variants and solutions to the political decision maker, who will choose the one that he will appreciate as being the most appropriate.

scholarly journals Serbia's Military Neutrality: Origins, effects and challenges

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (71) ◽  
pp. 43-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Military Reform ◽  
Traumatic Memories ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military ◽  
Domestic Power ◽  
Nato Intervention

Abstract Serbia is the only state in the Western Balkans that is not seeking NATO membership. In December 2007, Serbia declared military neutrality and in spite of its EU membership aspirations, developed very close relations with Moscow. The objective of this paper is threefold. First, I argue that in order to understand why Serbia declared military neutrality, one has to look both at the discursive terrain and domestic power struggles. The key narrative that was strategically used by mnemonic entrepreneurs, most importantly by the former Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, to legitimize military neutrality was the trauma of NATO intervention in 1999 and the ensuing secession of Kosovo. In the second part of the paper, I discuss the operational consequences of the military neutrality policy for Serbia's relations with NATO and Russia, as well as for military reform and EU accession. Finally, I spell out the challenges ahead in Serbia's neutrality policy and argue that its decision makers will increasingly be caught between pragmatic foreign policy requirements on the one hand and deeply entrenched traumatic memories on the other.

scholarly journals TARSYIH KEPEMIMPINAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF TAFSIR DAN UNDANG-UNDANG PEMILU NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra
Keyword(s):  
Selection Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.

Gabon: An Uneasy Civil‒Military Concord

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olaf Bachmann
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Oil Wealth ◽  
Senior Officers ◽  
The One ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Military

Like many other African military forces, the Gabonese national army was a direct offshoot of a colonial army—the French one, in this case. Like many of their former brothers in arms on the African continent, the Gabonese military has had difficulty finding their bearings in the newly independent nation, with which they have experienced no bonding. A coup carried out by a handful of officers in 1964 dealt an early blow to the development of civil‒military concord. As of 1965, the political leadership, then firmly in the hands of the Bongo family, made sure it would keep the military under control. An important part of the security belt created by the Bongo regime was the propping up—and corresponding generous endowment—of a Presidential Guard and the paramilitary forces of the Gendarmerie. With the regime feeling more and more secure, among other reasons thanks to the agile management of an extensive patronage system fuelled by the country’s oil wealth, the army was allowed to grow and develop somewhat, although it never reached the capacity to defend the country’s sovereignty against any serious threat. Over the more than four decades of Omar Bongo’s rule (1967‒2009), Gabon’s defense remained outsourced to France through a range of initially secret and later publicly “legitimized” defense treaties. Occasional tensions, such as in the mid-1970s, did not significantly alter that pattern. With its security firmly guaranteed by the Garde Républicaine, the Gendarmerie, and the French, the regime worked to integrate the army into its control system. This was done though accelerating creation of a large number of senior officers’ posts, and these officers were gratified with honors, financial rewards, and at times official government posts. Meanwhile, the rank and file were kept at bay. Consequentially, a two-tier army that mirrored the country’s sociopolitical makeup evolved. Small pockets of professional soldiers did emerge in the country over the years, especially among up to colonel-rank commissioned officers, who benefited from excellent training abroad and were able to perfect their skills on peacekeeping operations. However, professionalism did not percolate through the institution. In 2020, 10 years into the reign of Omar Bongo’s son, Ali, the relationship of the military to the political power is unclear. On the one hand, the army may be an instrument of repression used by a ruling elite that is less and less benevolent in distributing benefits because it has lost the resources to do so. Such was the case in response to unrest after the 2016 elections. On the other hand, it cannot be excluded that part of the army’s lumpenmilitariat could side with the people in a revolt against the government. Because the legitimacy of the clientelist order is under duress, the coercive force provided by the carriers of arms can provide one line of defense, but the military may also turn against their increasingly anemic patron.

The Equilibrium of Parking Violation and China’s Economic Reform

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheng Hong
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Simple Assumption ◽  
Economic Agents ◽  
The People ◽  
Reform And Opening Up ◽  
Opening Up ◽  
Shed Light

Abstract Political decision makers are economic agents who try to maximize self-interests. This simple assumption helps explain China’s decision-making of reform and opening up and shed light on its contradictory political logic. Under a fully planned economy, market liberalization benefits everyone, including political decision makers. After wealth is created in the market economy, political decision-makers have incentives to take a growing share of wealth for themselves if no institutional mechanism exists to check their power. When the proportion of wealth appropriated by political decision-makers exceeds the margin where the people can afford, the market starts to suffer and the growth of wealth is derailed. At the extreme, political decision-makers takes so much wealth to push the entire social economic system to the verge of collapse. Because political decision-makers do not know where the equilibrium margin is, the above thinking has practical consequences. When political decision-makers keep expanding their take of wealth, the worst scenario may occur.

Early Beginnings 500,000–35,000 Years Ago

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Gamble
Keyword(s):  
Population Diversity ◽  
Social Worlds ◽  
North West ◽  
The People ◽  
Early Hominids ◽  
Evolutionary Changes ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The One ◽  
Cultural World ◽  
The Military

Our understanding of the first peopling of Britain has recently undergone a transformation. On the one hand there have been fundamental advances in the investigation of Pleistocene environments and chronology, while on the other exceptionally well preserved archaeological sites of the period have now been investigated. These data are allowing us to reinterpret the society and palaeo-ecology of the people who inhabited this small corner of north-west Europe between 500,000 and 35,000 years ago. In order to put these findings into their proper context I will, however, need to roam more widely across the Palaeolithic world and consider the evolutionary changes and geographical processes that were involved over such long time-spans. One aspect I will concentrate upon in this contribution is that, although these earliest inhabitants did not dramatically transform the landscape, in the manner that either prehistoric farmers did with fields and ritual monuments (see Whittle in this volume) or, later, more complex societies achieved through trade, cities and the military machine (see Cunliffe and Härke in this volume), we can, none the less, see the beginnings of such shaping in the way they went about their daily and lifetime routines. My point is that these early hominids (a term which includes ourselves and all our fossil ancestors) were not slaves to nature, ecological creatures determined in everything by the environment, but rather creative builders of social networks that linked their daily landscapes of habit into very different social worlds. Their act of living in the worlds of half a million years ago was every bit as transformative for those environments as our acts of living are today. In other words, the idea that our earliest ancestors lived solely in a natural landscape because they had very simple technologies, smaller brains, and tiny social groupings, while we by contrast create and inhabit a complex cultural world, needs to be revised. Moreover, the second theme of this volume, population diversity and movement, is also illustrated in these early beginnings.

scholarly journals Between 'Greatness' and 'Ignorance'

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-28
Author(s):  
Sezin Topçu
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Power ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Nuclear Transition ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
The Past ◽  
Environment And Health ◽  
The One ◽  
Polar Opposite ◽  
Turkish Case ◽  
Post Disaster

Focusing on Turkey’s nuclearisation process, which has accelerated over the past decade, this article examines the historical and contemporary relationships that the country’s political decision-makers maintain with risk, the environment and health and ecological disasters. While the transition to nuclear power in the post-Fukushima period is not a dynamic specific to Turkey, it nevertheless operates, in the Turkish case, in a particular geographic, energy and political context. On the one hand, Turkey is a highly seismic country that heavily depends on its neighbours for energy and, on the other, is experiencing a creeping political authoritarianism. This article focuses on the dynamics and specificities of this post-disaster nuclear transition, which will be analysed here as ‘serene nuclearism’, positioned as the polar opposite of ‘reflexive modernisation’, as theorised by Ulrich Beck.

scholarly journals The Human Element in Shipping Casualties as a Process of Risk Homeostasis of the Shipping Business

2013 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Vinagre-Ríos ◽  
Santiago Iglesias-Baniela
Keyword(s):  
Operating Cost ◽  
Risk Behaviour ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Market Demand ◽  
Human Errors ◽  
Business Decision ◽  
Behavioural Adaptation ◽  
Human Element ◽  
The People ◽  
The One

Evidence for the existence of risk compensation behaviour in the operation of vessels is shown in the paper The Risk Homeostasis Theory (Baniela and Ríos, 2010). In that analysis, it is concluded that the people engaged in the commercial affairs of ships tend to exchange the level of safety standard of vessels for a more profitable and riskier activity, which makes the rate of shipping accidents fluctuate within certain limits. Since the different levels of power and motivation of those involved in the risk-taking process were not considered in that research, it is the aim of this paper to analyse, on the one hand, how the pressure of the shipping market influences the risk behaviour of shipping business decision-makers and to show, on the other hand, how this influence makes them alter their target level of risk and introduce risks related to low operating cost strategies on vessels. This behavioural adaptation to the shipping market demand has led the human element to be regarded as a factor of risk in the activity of commercial vessels. In this context, the increasing incidence of human errors has arisen as a consequence of practices and manning policies established by the managers of shipping companies.

Science, numbers and politics in a “post-truth” world

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 1035-1041
Author(s):  
Markus J. Prutsch
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Evidence ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Other ◽  
Scientific Policy ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Social Challenges ◽  
Open Debate ◽  
Science And Politics ◽  
The One ◽  
Over Time

While science and politics operate according to different logics, they have become considerably intertwined over time. Two opposing, but interrelated, developments can be observed in this regard: on the one hand, a scientization of politics, since science is increasingly relied upon when political and social challenges are being addressed, manifest in the increasing involvement of experts and scientific (policy) advisors; on the other hand, a politicization of science, because of the increasing influence of political decision makers on the objects, methods and processes of scientific research and funding. Both developments are accompanied by clear risks, and open debate is needed about what scientific evidence – which is often expressed and mediated by means of numbers – can realistically do in and for politics. This is especially true at a time characterized by widespread distrust of experts and even facts, and a re-ideologization of politics that is perhaps best captured by the popular expression of “post-truth politics”.

scholarly journals Military Concepts in the Russian Linguistic World Image (as in the case of " Warrior" Concept)

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 1131-1138
Author(s):  
M. V. Pimenova ◽  
A. B. Bodrikov
Keyword(s):  
Role Model ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Structural Peculiarities ◽  
History Of ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Units ◽  
Russian Linguistic

The article features the cognitive signs of the warrior concept. The main representation of the concept is stylistically marked. The word warrior is often used in elevated style. In Russian culture, the army has always been a special estate that protects the people and the Russian lands. The concept warrior proved to have some structural peculiarities. It includes seven motivating signs in the structure of the concept: (battle) cry, army, conquest, hunting, desire / aspiration, target, dedication. Only four of them transformed with time and moved into the category of conceptual signs: army → warrior / defender / one who is fighting; desire / aspiration + goal + dedication → purposeful (person). The second group of the structure is formed by twenty conceptual signs: military, liberator, fighter, (military) employee, soldier, (experienced) in military affairs, warrior / defender / the one who fights, hero, protector, brave man, winner, squire, courageous / valiant (man), role model / example for imitation, responsible (man), purposeful (person), giving a debt to the country, ready for self-sacrifice / accomplishing a feat, participant in the war, patriot / devotee / loyal (Motherland / Fatherland / people). These cognitive characteristics show a wide range of functional manifestations of modern representations of military occupation. The special group includes figurative stereotypical and gender signs, since a warrior has always been a male hero in Russian linguistic culture. The stereotypes of Russian linguistic culture are connected with the military past of our people, with its heroic epos, tales, and legends. Symbolic signs make up a separate group. The structure of the studied concept includes sixteen symbolic signs, which are also connected with the history of the Russian people with its numerous wars and victories: gods and saints, (fraternal) graves of warriors, war veterans, eternal flame, (military) rituals, (military) units, banner, George the Victorious, coat of arms, hero cities, icons, awards (orders and medals, weapons), monuments (obelisks and columns), songs and marches, field, status Hero-city, temple.

scholarly journals Juxtapositions in Jakarta: How Flood Interventions Reinforce and Challenge Urban Divides

Urban Forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-388
Author(s):  
Roanne van Voorst
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Economic Inequalities

Abstract This paper traces the interplay of spatially, socially and legally juxtaposed differences between different groups of Indonesia’s residents: (1) a group of riverbank settlers in Jakarta, (2) political decision-makers and urban planners that evict this particular riverbank settlement and (3) a group of Jakartan academics, architects and journalists that got involved in these interventions. The dynamics between and within these groups are examined through a case study in a riverbank settlement, where inhabitants are not only at risk of regular flooding but also of evictions. The analysis combines the notion of juxtapositions with a ‘revelatory approach’ towards disaster. The notion of juxtapositions makes clear how urban divides are shaped, and how they, in turn, produce ideas and practices of citizenship in Jakarta. The revelatory approach to disasters helps to show that floods can function as an accelerator to both reinforce and challenge these juxtapositions, thus also changing citizenship ideas and practices. The analysis reveals on the one hand that floods and interventions deepen socio-economic inequalities in an already highly unequal city. However, on the other hand, they also trigger collective mobilisation of evictees as well as unprecedented cooperation between this particular group of riverbank settlers and more resourceful members of Jakarta’s wider society. This eventually results in successful contestation of evictions through court and other claims to citizenship.

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