scholarly journals On the prospects of European periphery parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Future Development ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
European Elections ◽  
European Parties ◽  
European Periphery ◽  
Development Prospects

This article presents an analysis of the activities of three European parties: the European democratic party, the European Free Alliance, and the European Christian political movement, which currently occupy marginal positions in the political forefront of Europe. A brief historical overview of the emergence and formation of each of these parties is given, as well as their ideological platforms and membership base. The results of their participation in the European elections are considered and it is noted with which parties factions in the European Parliament the MEPs elected from these parties cooperate. In conclusion, an analysis of the future development prospects of these parties, including their possible coalitions with other European parties, is presented.

Le parlement européen : Comparaison des résultats de juin 1979 et portrait de l'Assemblée élue

Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-501
Author(s):  
Dusan Sidjanski
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
European Community ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
General Distribution ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Minor Parties ◽  
The Past ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Comparison Of The Results

The results of the first European elections reflect the general distribution of the European electorate slightly center-right oriented, even if the abstentionism of almost 40 % caused some distorsions as in the case of United Kingdom. After the comparison of the results, state by state, it appears globally that the socialists ( 113) and liberals (40) regressed, the gaullists and their allies (22) suffered a serious defeat, white the christian democrats ( 107) and the communists (44) progressed and some minor parties (leftists and regionalists) entered the European Parliament.The second part contains a portrait of the new European Parliament which is younger than its predecessor, has more women including its president and has many high personnalities. As in the past, the political groupsplay a central and dynamic role. The question is to know if they will be capable of maintaining their cohesion. The examined cases give no evidence of the existence of the center-right majority in front of the left opposition. In fact, there were changing coalitions and voting constellations according to different problems, ideological options or concrete choices. The recent vote rejecting the proposed budget expresses a will of the European Parliament to impose its style and its democratic control on the European Community.

12. The European Parliament

2019 ◽  
pp. 176-188
Author(s):  
Charlotte Burns
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
European Public ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Representative Function

This chapter focuses upon the European Parliament (EP), an institution that has seen its power dramatically increase in recent times. The EP has been transformed from being a relatively powerless institution into one that is able to have a genuine say in the legislative process and hold the European Union’s executive bodies (the Commission and Council, introduced in Chapters 9 and 10) to account in a range of policy areas. However, increases in the Parliament’s formal powers have not been matched by an increase in popular legitimacy: turnout in European elections is falling. Thus, while the EP’s legislative power is comparable to that enjoyed by many national parliaments, it has struggled to connect with the wider European public. The chapter explores these issues in detail. In the first section, the EP’s evolution from talking shop to co-legislator is reviewed; its powers and influence are explained in the next section; the EP’s internal structure and organization are then discussed with a focus upon the role and behaviour of the political groups, and finally, the European Parliament’s representative function as the EU’s only directly elected institution is discussed.

scholarly journals La Lega “nazionale” di Salvini alla conquista elettorale del Meridione

2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-84
Author(s):  
Roberto De Luca ◽  
Domenico Fruncillo
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Question ◽  
The South ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Italian Regions ◽  
First Moment ◽  
Micro Analysis ◽  
First Time ◽  
Over Time

In the last European elections the League became the first party in Italy also because, for the first time, it collected a large number of votes in the South, exceeding the 20% of votes in the Southern italian regions. In this article we try to evaluate whether that success is temporary or if it will consolidate over time. In other words, the central question is whether the vote to the Leauge party in the South of Italy is weak and volatile or it represents the first moment of its establishment also in these areas of the Country. In details, we try to verify if the success of the Leauge party in the South of Italy can be related to traditional aspects of the parties’ organization, such as the territorial root and the recruitment of political personnel who obtain in the electoral competition personal votes which improve the success of the list. The analysis was conducted through out macro and micro analysis tools. The analysis of the preference vote distribution highlights the electoral contribution offered by all the candidates to the European Parliament by region and by size of the municipalities. The description of some emblematic local cases describes the dynamics through which some local candidates for the European Parliament have contributed to increase the political consensus of the League party in the South of Italy.

scholarly journals DARI AKSI HINGGA PESTA DEMOKRASI: DINAMIKA PARTAI RAKYAT DEMOKRATIK MENUJU PEMILU (1996-1999)

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Cahyo Susilo
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Act ◽  
The Impact

This research illustrated the historical event in Indonesia, especially in 1990s period. The study examined the development of People Democratic Party as one of the political parties in the New Order regime. This research-based on the author’s interest in the pro-democracy movement’s widespread in Indonesia, evidenced by the resistance movement of peoples, in this case, is the People Democratic Party. The study aimed to identify programs and strategies of the People Democratic Party to build a pro-democracy movement in the 1996-1999 period. The author used the historical method. People Democratic Party was one of the political party which develop at that time and had a political movement to subvert a New Order regime. People Democratic Party often referred to as a radical political party, because of the political program that confronted the New Order regime namely to eliminate the Indonesian National Armed ForcesDual function, to eliminate a five-pack of Political Act and Timor-Timur referendum. The impact, People Democratic Party regarded as a forbidden party and accused as the actor behind July 27th 1996 tragedy. After the tragedy, the People Democratic Party arose with people’s committees. The four elements of People Democratic Party namely (1) the urban poor, (2) workers, (3) youth people, (4) PDI-Megawati supporters. After 1998 Reformation, People Democratic Party declared as a legal party and has participated as a contestant of 1999 electoral. People Democratic Party argued that the Electoral system is a moment for campaigning political programs. Several thingsin the campaign was about amnesty for political prisoners, completion of Civil Rights violation cases, and people’s political rights.

scholarly journals Appointment of the European Commission as an indicator of European integration development

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-200
Author(s):  
Natalia Zaslavskaya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Practical Experience ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Nation States ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Institutional System ◽  
The Eu

The article examines the evolution of the European Commission appointment procedure in the context of the institutional balance between the Council of the EU, the European Parliament and the European Commission. The growing influence of the European Parliament on the appointment of the Commission and the nomination of its President is described as an indicator of the development of integration because it demonstrates how the EU supranational institutional system moves closer to the institutional systems of nation states. The European Parliament has gained power similar to national parliaments. The European elections’ results are taken into account during appointment of the European Commission. Despite remaining existing differences between the EU institutional system and national institutions, the author attempts to apply the Sartori concept in order to examine the dynamics of the EU institutional balance. As Sartori described, interaction between parties in national parliaments and governments and gradual transformation towards party government, similar tendencies could be found on the European level. The analysis of the theoretical interpretations, legal basis and practical experience of the European Commission’s appointment enables the author to determine the increased role of the European Parliament vis-à-vis other institutions and the growing importance of the European parties. The current procedure demonstrates a shift from the technocratic functional approach to an ideological approach leading to a growing importance of European politics.

scholarly journals How do Lithuanian Citizens Perceive the European Parliament? EU Legitimacy Issue and Trust in the European Parliament

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (87) ◽  
pp. 64-85
Author(s):  
Sima Rakutienė ◽  
Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secondary Importance ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Qualitative Interviewing ◽  
Case Based ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the problem of legitimacy within the EU political system and focuses on the political power and recognition of the only one directly elected EU institution – the European Parliament. Historically, being the weaker house of the EU legislative system, throughout the last decades, the European Parliament has increased the political authority dramatically. These political changes should have risen the participation of the EU citizens in the elections and the legitimacy of this EU institution. Analysing the Lithuanian case, based on the qualitative interviewing of politicians and quantitative survey of citizens, the authors claim that while most of Lithuanians recognise the significance of the European Parliament and the turnout in the European elections has increased, the European Parliamentary elections remain, however, of secondary importance.

Selection and Sanctioning in European Parliamentary Elections

2011 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Bjørn Høyland
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Past Performance ◽  
National Elections ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
First Order ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
Unique Dataset

Elections are inherently about selecting good candidates for public office and sanctioning incumbents for past performance. Yet, in the low salience context of ‘second-order elections’ to the European Parliament, empirical evidence suggests that voters sanction first-order national incumbents. However, no previous study has examined whether voters also use these elections to select good candidates. This article draws on a unique dataset on the political experience of party representatives in eighty-five national elections to the European Parliament to evaluate the extent to which voters prefer candidates with more political experience. The results show that selection considerations do matter. Parties that choose experienced top candidates are rewarded by voters. This effect is greatest when European elections are held in the middle of the national electoral cycle.

Waiting for 2022: strategy and tactics of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens»

2021 ◽  
pp. 212-234
Author(s):  
Galina Kaninskaya
Keyword(s):  
Political Ecology ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Alternative Choice

Political ecology entered the history of the Fifth Republic in France relatively recently, since 1974, when the candidate of «The Greens» party R. Dumont took part in the first round of presidential elections. From that moment until the emergence of the modern party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens», political ecology went through several organizational stages, each with one of the most important issues for «The Greens» was the electoral strategy and tactics, invariably associated with positioning on the political scene. In essence, «The Greens» parties always face an alternative choice: to act in joint electoral lists with the socialists or to present their own autonomous lists at all levels of elections. With that, there is no doubt that French ecologists make up the left of the political spectrum. And for a long time, French ecologists were much more successful separately from the socialists in the European elections to the European Parliament (EP). The French «Greens» were particularly successful in the 2019 EP elections, after the creation in 2010 of a kind of «political cooperative» in the form of the party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens». The article is devoted to the situation in and political role of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens» (EELV). The party's activity is analyzed since the European Parliament elections in 2019. The reasons for the success of the ecologist party in the municipal elections of 2020 and the results of the elections to the senate of the Fifth Republic on 27 th September, 2020 are also considered. An explanation is given for the phenomenon of the growing popularity of the ecological movement in contemporary France, it is shown what impact the problem of climate warming and problem of environment’s deterioration, and also what adjustments have the COVID-19 pandemic made on the electoral process. The article examines how the EELV is preparing to perform in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections in 2022, examines the political programs of the main candidates, and assesses the prospects of the ecologist party for uniting «progressive forces» behind itself and its relationships with other left-wing parties within the framework of the «two concentric circles» tactic. Some doubts were expressed about EELV’s willingness to lead the highest echelons of power.

scholarly journals European Left Party – a New Ghost of Communism to Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union

The article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence and development of a new pan-European political Party of the European left in the political arena. Its forerunner was a Forum of the new European left, formed in 1991, close to the Communist and workers’ parties and the group «European United Left – Nordic Green Left» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 1995 through the merger of «Confederal Group of the European United Left» faction of environmentalists «Left-wing Green of the North». Many experts viewed these parties as a vestige of a bipolar world, and believed that with the collapse of the Soviet Union, they should finally disappear from the political arena of Europe, giving up the left flank to the socialists and social Democrats. However, European Communists and left-wing radicals demonstrated incredible political vitality and in the tenth years of the twentieth century in a number of EU countries (Greece, France, the Czech Republic) managed to bypass their opponents on the left flank. In 2004 a pan-European party of the European left was created, which is characterized by a commitment to unorthodox Communist and environmental values and a moderately eurosceptic view of the EU’s development prospects. In the last European elections in 2019, this party lost some ground, but nevertheless managed to maintain its small faction in the European Parliament. So today it is difficult to speak about prospects of the European left, although the strength of parties in Germany, Greece, Spain, France and other countries, as well as the weakening of the party of European socialists, gives us reasonable confidence in the fact that the radical left will be able to maintain its presence on the political stage of Europe in the next 10-15 years. The author of the article tried to identify the causes of this political force and its future prospects.

scholarly journals 'Business as usual': The Treaty of Lisbon and transnational party manifestos

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. e74092
Author(s):  
Cristina Ares ◽  
Andrea Volkens
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Treaty Of Lisbon ◽  
European Elections ◽  
People's Party ◽  
European People’S Party ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Budgetary Decisions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Business As Usual

The Treaty of Lisbon was a milestone in the enduring process of empowerment of the European Parliament and its connections to the European Commission. This latest reform of the Treaties, in force since December 2009, placed the only supranational institution whose members are directly elected by all citizens of the EU (since 1979) on an equal footing with the Council as a co-legislator in around thirty additional policy areas. The Treaty of Lisbon also strengthened the European Parliament in terms of the annual and multiannual budgetary decisions, and it granted it the right to elect the President of the European Commission according to the results of the European elections. This article examines various possible effects of this major boost of the European Parliament, along with links to the European Commission in the manifestos issued by five European parties: the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), European Free Alliance (EFA), European Green Party (European Greens or EGP), European People’s Party (EPP), and Party of European Socialists (PES). It studies variations from 2004 onwards in the scope of the programmatic proposals regarding EU domains of power, the footprint in the manifestos of the transnational party organisations themselves, and eventually also of their candidates for the presidency of the European Commission. To do so, the twenty manifestos issued by the abovementioned parties for the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 European elections were content analysed. The results point to the lasting distance between these transnational parties and the European elections, despite the reinforcement of the role of the European Parliament over time.

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