scholarly journals DINAMIKA TERORISME DI INDONESIA STUDI TENTANG LOKALISASI IDEOLOGI EKSTERNAL

2021 ◽  
pp. 88-123
Author(s):  
Vanny El Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
Localization Theory ◽  
State Construction

AbstrakThe terrorism movement in Indonesia has developed from time to time. It perceived when comparing the perceptions of The Indonesian Islamic State from each group. Darul Islam, the root of the extremism movement, echoed the narrative of jihad against the colonialist. They believed that theocracy was an ideal state construction amidst the disappointing policies of the Central Government at the beginning of independence. In the meantime, the perception of Jemaah Islamiyah towards an Islamic state was full of Salafi nuances because they believed that its establishment as an obligation for every Muslim. Meanwhile, Jemaah Ansharul Daulah noticed The Indonesian Islamic State as only part of a global caliphate. The author argues that this dynamic is caused by the phenomenon of ideological internalisation. By combining localization theory and ideological concepts, this article concluded that the ideological localization of external radicalism occurred for three reasons, namely moral compliance to adopt a more argumentative ideology, rational calculations of strategies that can be implemented in the local context and temporary strategies to maintain group existence.

scholarly journals Local Government and Local Development: Bridging the Gap through Critical Discourse: Evidence from the Commonwealth Caribbean

2012 ◽  
pp. 5-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eris D Schoburgh
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Informal Economy ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Wealth Creation ◽  
Organisational Capacity ◽  
Developmental Role

Local development, whether construed broadly as community development or more narrowly as local as economic development (LED) is not always associated with local government but rather is the purview of a central government department or agency in Anglophone Caribbean policy systems. However with the emergence of ‘local place - and people-oriented approaches’ to development that offer new propositions about how to respond to risks and opportunities brought by globalization, local government is seen increasingly as an appropriate institutional context in which to pursue short-range objectives, such as creation of market opportunities and redressing the disparities within national economies; as well as the long-range goal of social transformation. A developmental role for local government raises two questions that form the central concerns of this paper: What are the institutional and organisational imperatives of a developmental role for local government? To what extent have these imperatives been addressed in reform? A critical analysis of local government reform policies in Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica revealed substantive convergence around local development as an outcome of reform but also important divergence in the approach to achieving this goal which suggests the absence of a cohesive model. The paper argues for a new agenda in reform that links local government more consistently with a local development strategy. It asserts that such a strategy must incorporate gender equality, the informal economy and institutional organisational capacity in the process of transformation and as a basis for creating a local context in which all types of resources can be maximized in the process of wealth creation in a locality.

scholarly journals PENERAPAN QANUN ACEH DI KOTA SUBULUSSALAM: Kajian Atas Qanun No. 12, 13 Dan 14 Tahun 2003

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Geno Berutu
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Research Field ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Consolidation

his Research proves that the implementation of Aceh Qanun No. 12, 13 and 14 Year 2003 on Khama r, M a i s i r , and Khalwat in Subulussalam is not completely worked well, because in addition to legal issues qanuns, most have efforts political consolidation of the central government and local government. This thesis supports and strengthens the conclusion Michail Buehrel in this article entitled “The Rise of Sharia by Laws in Indonesia District an Indication For Changing Patterns of Power Accumulation and Political Corruption ” (2008) who found the formulization of Islamic Law in the region is political consolidation instrument for exploring the local government, especially financially in building. Buehler did not even find a conservative movement in the imposition of Islamic Law in the area. This research also support M.B Hooker’s opinion in his work entitled Indonesian Syariah : Defining a National School of Islamic Law, (2008)which states that in legislative process of Islamic law in aceh. There are many obstacles and barriers , because the Sharia Law to be applied must necessarily correspond with the system national law, while the central government to add more breadth of autonomy for Aceh in the part of Islamic Law to legislate in the part of law qanuns jina>na>t . This thesis does not agree with the conclusion of Harold Crouch in his work The Recent Resurgence of Political Islam in Indonesia, “ Islam In Southeast Asi a: Analysing Recent Development” , ed. Anthony L. Smith, (Singapore: ISEAS, 2002) as saying that the barrage history of failure of Islamic parties in order to implement Islamic Law-making opportunities for the application of Islamic Law in Indonesia did not exist. Crouch’s opinion just say that the application of Islamic Law to be in the sense of establishing an Islamic State. Data obtained from field research (field research) with qualitative methods and approach the socio - legal - historical . The primary data of the document and the results wawancara and field observations. Primary data in the form of documents are: Law No. 44 In 1999, Law No. 18 of 2001, Law No. 11 In 2006, Qanun 5 In 2000, Qanun No. 12, 13, 14, 2003, Qanun 7 In 2013, Qanun 6 In 2014 and Qanun 8 Year 2014. The primary data in the form of interviews and observations sourced from: Office of Islamic Law (DSI), the Wilayatul Hisbah (WH), the Court Syar'iyah (MS), the Police, the Mufti Consultative Assembly (MPU), the Aceh Tradition Council (MAA). Secondary data in the form of: 1) the books on Islamic law, sociology and anthropology of law, the historical development of Islam in Indonesia; 2) journals and other scholarly works that examine the rules of Islamic law, the application of Islamic law, social and Community; 3) as well as other sources such relevant, scientific papers, websites, newspapers, magazines and others

Mosul will test US efforts to rebuild Iraqi army

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Department Of Defense ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Fiscal Year ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Us ◽  
State Group ◽  
And Training

Subject US Iraqi Train and Equip Fund. Significance The US Department of Defense has requested an additional 630 million dollars for the Iraqi Train and Equip Fund (ITEF) in the 2016-17 fiscal year. This fund, hurriedly brought into existence in the summer of 2014, was developed to provide assistance and training to the Iraqi army in the wake of its disastrous performance against Islamic State group (ISG) forces. Forces trained under the ITEF will be a key component of the planned offensive to retake the ISG stronghold of Mosul later this year. Impacts The programme is unlikely to continue once Mosul has been retaken -- although other funding streams will continue. Its success would strengthen the Iraqi army, thereby empowering central government against pro-Iran, hardline militias. Its failure would strengthen these militias and increase the prospects of a semi-permanent fragmentation of the Iraqi state.

scholarly journals Menelisik Dinamika Radikalisme Gen Z Perempuan di Facebook

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-125
Author(s):  
Eko Saputra
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Moral Panic ◽  
State System ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
Generation Z ◽  
The Future ◽  
Future 2

Nowadays, the proliferation of radicalization among the so-called Generation Z in the online space shows an alarming phenomenon. This article is to explore how online media is used by a woman of generation Z, Nurdhania, to access ideological propaganda of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The questions are how was the propaganda embedded in Nurdhania’s mind? How big are the Nurdhania’s commitment, involvement, and struggle in supporting ISIS? To answer these questions, this research used the method of ethnography, through the internet, of blogs and social media that belong to Nurdhania, and conducted an interview with one of her relatives in Yogyakarta. This article argues that Nurdhania was exposed to the ideology of ISIS because of (1) her confusion with the uncertainty of the future; (2) a ‘moral panic’ she had experienced; and (3) the Islamic State highlighted as the most ideal state system.

scholarly journals IDEAL COUNTRY ACCORDING TO AFIFUDDIN MUHAJIR: ANALYSIS OF THE SCIENTIFIC SPEECH OF THE HANOURIS CAUSA DOCTORAL AWARD AT UIN WALISONGO SEMARANG INDONESIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Imam Ghozali ◽  
Zulfikar Hasan ◽  
Chanifudin ◽  
Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
State University ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
Central Java ◽  
State Form ◽  
The Ideal

Afifuddin Muhajir's background concerning the Ideal State cannot be separated from the strengthening of the demands of some Indonesian Muslims who are members of the 212 movements to uphold NKRI Bersyariah. Starting from their success in tackling the political career of Basuki Cahaya Purnama (Ahok) in the 2017 DKI Pilkada. This movement strengthened in the 2019 Presidential election. They supported the Prabowo subianto-Sandiaga Uno pair who were considered more Islamic and capable of realizing their political ideals. Afifuddin Muhajir considered the Political Identity movement in the name of religion to be a very dilemma in Indonesian society which is multi-ethnic, ethnic, cultural, and religious. Politics as a product of Jurisprudence and Muamalah has space for ijtihad and has becomes a common consensus to build the life of the nation and state. This research is a Research Library, that examines Afifuddin Muhajir in his speech conferring the Honorary Doctorate at the Walisongo Islamic State University, Semarang, Central Java. This study focuses on the concept of the Ideal State according to Afifuddin Muhajir with sub-discussions, namely: Political Islam, Pancasila, NKRI, and the State Constitution. This discussion sub-section will answer the concept of an ideal state according to Afifuddin Muhajir from the point of view of Jurisprudence and Ushul Fiqh who are experts in their expertise. This research is certainly interested in answering extremist Islamic groups who want a state form at the level of sharia or Islamic law.

scholarly journals Post-ISIS Iraq and the Shia Armed Groups

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-137
Author(s):  
Kardo Rached ◽  
Ahmed Omar Bali
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Weberian Theory ◽  
Supreme Leader ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City ◽  
Self Defence

The political environment of Iraq in the period from 2011-2014 experienced a great degree of turbulence. Many Sunni tribes in the Anbar, Ramadi and Salahadin regions organized a daily protest against the central government, accusing it of being sectarian. Gradually, these protests become more popular, and the Baghdad government became fearful that it would spread into the other regions of Iraq. In order to control the protests, the government used force, and many were killed. Simultaneously, in Syria, and especially during 2013-2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) controlled more land and more people, and to take advantage of the Iraqi people's dissatisfaction with their government, ISIS crossed the border between Iraq and Syria in June 2014. Mosul as the second most heavily populated city was seized by ISIS and the Iraqi army could not fight back, which meant that the Iraqi army retreated from most of the Sunni areas. Even Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, and the city where the central government operates, was threatened. While the Iraqi army was unable to fight against ISIS, the Shia religious supreme leader Al-Sistani called for self-defence and to stand against ISIS. Sistani’s call became a cornerstone for the creation of the so-called Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) with the aim of the fighting against ISIS. In this article, we assess the PMF from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly on violence, considering Ariel Ahram's model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.

scholarly journals On Political Islam in Palestine

2015 ◽  
pp. 168-172
Author(s):  
E. A. Stepkin
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Central Government ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The West ◽  
Palestinian Territories

Abstract: This article deals with analyzing the place and the political Islam occupies on the Palestinian territories. The author tries to prove that despite the “Arab spring” and growing popularity of Islamism in the neighbor Arab countries its popular support among Palestinians is low. The main reason for this is Israeli total control of political, economic and - partially - social processes taking place in the West Bank. Position of the officials in Ramallah who together with Tel-Aviv strictly contain spread of Islamism throughout the West Bank also has a strong suppressing effect. Central Palestinian leadership may be called one of the few secular political establishments that are still in power in the Arab countries. The main explanation for this is the desire to make a positive effect on the international community, which Palestine totally depends on in political and financial terms. Also one should keep in mind secular beliefs of the current political elite in Palestine. President Mahmoud Abbas with his counterparts from FATAH and PLO represent old type of Arab nationalist politicians, almost all of who were stripped from power after the beginning of “Arab spring” in 2011. Finally, Palestinian society itself still feels united by the idea of national liberation from the Israeli occupation. This helps Palestinians to put aside the issue of religious self-identification. According to the surveys, most of Palestinians still rank their national identity number while describing their identity, while religion comes only second (despite the strong stable tendency for growing Islamization of their views). The only Palestinian enclave where political Islam has gained ground is isolated Gaza Strip. However ruling there “Islamic Resistance Movement” (HAMAS), despite declared anti-Zionism and Islamism, in reality show pragmatic readiness for certain coordination of its actions with Israel and central government in Ramallah. Nowadays one can witness the deepening conflict within the Islamist camp - between HAMAS and more radical Salafists, who support “Islamic State” in Iraq and Syria. In the final end the fate of Political Islam in Palestine will depend on the success of Middle East peace process.

Will Biden could withdraw the US forces from Afghanistan?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislav Mikhailovich Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

The article analyzes the military operation of the United States and its NATO allies in Afghanistan, which lasted for 20 years, and the prospects for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from this country. The author states that the new US President D. Biden does not abandon the foreign policy course pursued by his predecessors earlier to reduce the US military presence in Afghanistan. Moreover, the new president reaffirmed his commitment to the peace agreement between the United States and the opposition Taliban, reached in the Qatari capital of Doha in February 2020, which provides for the withdrawal of US troops and their NATO allies from the country. However, the author comes to the conclusion that due to a number of objective and subjective factors, the timing of the final withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan may be postponed indefinitely, and even the deadline recently declared by the White House on September 11, 2021, may be far from final and may be repeatedly subjected to revisions. The main obstacle to the implementation of this important clause of the bilateral agreement is the lack of progress in negotiations between the Taliban representatives and the central government, as well as the lack of security guarantees for the withdrawn contingent of the US Armed Forces, NATO and the remaining staff of Western foreign missions in Afghanistan. Not only the radical Taliban wing, but also a number of current ministers in Kabul are trying to sabotage the conclusion of a second peace agreement and the subsequent integration of the Taliban into power. Without a lasting agreement between the Taliban and the central authorities in Kabul and the formation of a new coalition government, the likelihood of a resumption of civil war in the country will remain. New terrorist attacks and outbursts of violence on the part of the radical wing of the Taliban movement against the central government and foreign troops are not excluded. The penetration of Islamic State gangs into Afghanistan, which can undermine the stability of the military-political situation from within and provoke new armed conflicts, also carries certain risks. Much will also depend on the position of one of the main external players in Afghan affairs — Islamabad. Time will show whether Pakistan will be ready to take on part of the functions of a peaceful settlement within the Afghan conflict. The US administration would like more participation in stabilizing the further situation in Afghanistan from other regional forces (China, Russia, India, Iran, Turkey, Uzbekistan).

scholarly journals Peran Alex Evert Kawilarang dalam Menumpas DI/TII di Jawa Barat

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-302
Author(s):  
Abdul Fatah Miftahudin ◽  
Ading Kusdiana
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Bright Spot ◽  
Central Position ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
West Java ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The Road ◽  
Time Served ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

 AbstractThe Darul Islam Movement / Indonesian Islamic Army (DI / TII) is a movement that emerged from dissatisfaction with the "Renville" agreement which impacted on TNI and army troops who had to migrate from West Java. on August 7, 1949 S. M. Kartosuwirjo as the leader declared the establishment of the Islamic State of Indonesia (NII) with its central position in West Java, especially in the East Priangan area. This made things even more difficult to control when on 19 December 1948 the Dutch reneged on the Renville Agreement and attacked the Indonesian capital in Yogyakarta, the Second War of Independence broke out, so this triggered the return of troops who migrated to their troops in West Java, but when it arrived at their troops were welcomed like enemies, finally a war broke out between three camps namely the TNI, Darul Islam and the Dutch troops. to the point where on December 27, 1949 the Dutch recognized the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia but DI / TII remained in principle wanting to establish a State based on Islamic sharia. The government finally held diplomacy but it did not find any bright spot so the government took the road to dissolve the DI / TII movement by force. Colonel AE Kawilarang, who at that time served as Commander of the Army and Territory III / West Java and was responsible for restoring security and peace in the region of West Java, thus the central government issued an Order to carry out "Operation Merdeka" in an effort to disperse DI / TII to re-lap Motherland. Keywords: DI/TII, Kawilarang, Supperssion DI/TIIAbstrak Gerakan Darul Islam/Tentara Islam Indonesia (DI/TII) adalah gerakan yang muncul dari ketidakpuasan atas perjanjian “Renville” yang berdampak pada pasukan TNI dan  lasykar yang harus hijrah dari Jawa Barat. pada tanggal 7 Agustus 1949 S. M. Kartosuwirjo sebagai pemimpin menyatakan berdirinya Negara Islam Indonesia (NII) dengan pusat kedudukannya berada di Jawa Barat, terutama di daerah Priangan Timur. Hal ini membuat keadaan semakin sulit dikendalikan ketika pada tanggal 19 Desember 1948 Belanda mengkhinati Perjanjian Renville dan menyerang ibu kota RI di Yogyakarta maka pecahlah Perang Kemerdekaan II, sehingga ini menjadi pemicu  kembalinya tentara  yang hijrah ke pasukan-pasukannya di Jawa Barat, tetapi ketika sampai di pasukan mereka disambut layaknya musuh, akhirnya pecahlah perang antara tiga kubu yaitu TNI, Darul Islam dan pasukan Belanda. sampai pada titik dimana pada tangggal 27 Desember 1949 Belanda mengakui kedaulatan RI tapi DI/TII tetap pada prinsipnya ingin mendirikan Negara yang berlandaskan syari’at Islam. Pemerintah akhirnya mengadakan diplomasi akan tetapi tidak menemui titik terang sehingga pemerintah mengambil jalan untuk membubarkan gerakan DI/TII secara paksa. Kolonel A. E. Kawilarang yang pada saat itu menjabat sebagai Panglima Tentara dan Teritorium III/Jawa Barat serta bertanggung jawab terhadap pemulihan keamanan dan ketentraman wilayah Jawa Barat, dengan demikan pemerintah pusat mengeluarkan Perintah untuk menjalankan “Operasi Merdeka” dalam usaha membubarkan DI/TII agar kembali kepangkuan Ibu Pertiwi. Kata kunci: DI/TII, Kawilarang, pembubaran DI/TII.  

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