NOBLE LAND OWNERSHIP IN SIMBIRSK PROVINCE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX – EARLY XX CENTURY

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-153
Author(s):  
Oleg I. Mariskin

Introduction. The most important event that determined the agrarian development of Russia in the second half of the XIX – early XX century was the abolition of serfdom in 1861. The agrarian reform was a great shock not only for the peasant economy, but also for the landowner estates of Russia, raising the question of the economic viability of the nobility as a subject of economic relations. Materials and Methods. A comprehensive study of the regional features of the evolution of the noble economy in the second half of the XIX – early XX century allows you to identify the main trends and patterns of the studied processes and phenomena, which contributes to filling numerous gaps in the history of the nobility, its legal status, socio-economic status, economic activity and land tenure dynamics. Results. In the post-reform period, the growing need of landlords for mortgage loans associated with the mobilization of land and the tasks of modernizing noble economies. The government initially hoped to satisfy through those that emerged in the 1870s private land banks. In connection with the continued difficulties with loans for the local nobility in 1885, the State Nobility Land Bank was created. Analysis of land tenure statistics in Simbirsk province in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries shows a sharp reduction in the number of land owned by the nobles. By 1905 in the Simbirsk province noble land tenure decreased by 48,4 %. Discussion and Conclusions. The activity of the State Noble Land Bank in the territory of Simbirsk province helped the local nobles to obtain the sums of money necessary for the modernization of their farms, but the soft loan provided to them could not prevent a further reduction in noble land tenure.

Prawo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 328 ◽  
pp. 153-177
Author(s):  
Łukasz Baszak

Legislative work on the Act on the Relations between the State and the Muslim Religious Association in the Republic of PolandAfter regaining its independence the Second Polish Republic inherited various legal systems from the partitioning powers. They differed with regard to both legal institutions and legal constructs. This state of affairs hindered the integration of the state and caused a lot of problems in socio-economic relations. This was reflected also in the law dealing with religions. The reborn Polish state had to define the legal status of churches and religious associations, among others.The author of the article presents the work associated with the regulation of the legal status of the Muslim Religious Association. The Muslims, who were, with few exceptions, Polish Tatars, were a small minority in the Second Polish Republic. Nevertheless, they managed, following more than a decade of consultations with the government, to have the Act adopted, in accordance with Article 115 of the March Constitution. The Constitution was also the basis of the issuance of an ordinance concerning the recognition of the internal statutes of the association.Gesetzgebungsverfahren betreffend das Verhältnis des Staates zu der Muslimischen Glaubensgemeinschaft in der Republik PolenPolen, das die Unabhängigkeit zurückgewonnen hat, hat auch die diversen Rechtssysteme der Teilungsmächte geerbt. Sie unterschieden sich voneinander sowohl im Bereich der Institutionen als auch der rechtlichen Konstruktionen. Dieser Zustand erschwerte die Integration des Staates und führte zu vielen Problemen im Bereich der wirtschaftlich-sozialen Verhältnisse. Widerspiegelt hat sich das auch im Bereich des Staatskirchenrechts. Eine der Aufgaben des wiedergeborenen Staates war unter anderem, den Rechtsstatus der Kirchen und Glaubensgemeinschaften zu bestimmen.In dem Artikel werden die Arbeiten betreffend die Regulierung des Rechtsstatus der Muslimischen Glaubensgemeinschaft dargestellt. Die Muslime, die mit wenigen Ausnahmen polnische Tataren waren, stellten in der Zweiten Polnischen Republik eine kleine religiöse Minderheit dar. Trotzdem gelang es ihnen, dass ein Gesetz gem. Art. 115 der März-Verfassung nach einigen Jahren von Konsultationen mit der Regierung verabschiedet wurde. Es war auch die Grundlage der Verordnung über die Anerkennung der internen Satzung der Gemeinschaft.


Eminak ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 92-102
Author(s):  
Serhii Kornovenko

The experience of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 is especially relevant for modern Ukraine. Modern geopolitical transformations, radical changes in the domestic political life of Ukraine, ambitious plans of the government are a chance for our state to restore its full-fledged subjectivity in the international arena, in the domestic life of the country. An effective mechanism of external and internal subjectivization of Ukraine, given the longevity of agricultural culture (in a broad sense), can be agrarian policy, its effective implementation. This implies not only a clear understanding on the part of the state of the essence of agrarian policy, its purpose, stages and mechanisms of implementation. The author of the article aims to propose, taking into account the agrarian transformations of the Ukrainian revolution, a possible model of the latest agrarian transformations. Under modern conditions, the most discussed issue is the feasibility/inexpediency of opening a land market in Ukraine. The heated debate on this is primarily about the socio-economic and socio-political consequences. Last but not least, the debaters in the discussions focus on only one segment of this multifaceted phenomenon � foreign land tenure/land use/land management. That is, they are only interested in the institution of private land ownership for foreigners on the whole set of issues. The main risks of opening the land market: external and internal. External: desubjectification of Ukraine, increasing dependence on foreign capital, especially credit one, loss of status of the granary of Europe, reduction of foreign exchange earnings to the budget, desoilization (dechernozemization). Internal: legalization of the agrarian oligarchy, desubjectification of power, degradation of civil society, increasing shadowing of the economy in general, agro-industrial complex in particular, the absence of the middle class � the social basis of the state, the extinction of the countryside, its disappearance as a socio-economic, socio-political, spiritual-cultural component of the Ukrainian political nation, strengthening the demographic challenges, etc.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (06) ◽  
pp. 220-225
Author(s):  
Fauzan Prasetya ◽  
Busyra Azheri ◽  
Ismansyah ◽  
Sukanda Husin

The Government through the Minister of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) in his position as a Shareholder in SOEs (Indonesian: Badan Usaha Milik Negara (BUMN) enacts the Minister of SOE Regulation Number: PER-15 / MBU / 2012 Regarding Amendments to the Regulation of the State Minister of State-Owned Enterprises Number PER-05 / MBU / 2008 Regarding Guidelines General Implementation of Procurement of Goods and Services of State-Owned Enterprises in SOE Subsidiaries. Which actions have raised the pros and cons of the capacity of the Minister of SOEs as BUMN shareholders in SOE subsidiaries. The legal status of BUMN subsidiaries in the BUMN holding scheme remains a separate legal entity that has their respective organs and responsibilities as regulated in the Law of PT. When the SOE Minister acts on behalf of the State, he is the shareholder of SOE as contained in Article 1 paragraph (1) of the BUMN Law. As a shareholder, the Minister of SOEs can only establish policies towards SOEs. Whereas in SOE Subsidiaries, the shareholders are SOEs as legal subjects. So that the provisions of Article 1 number (2) SOE Ministerial Regulation Number 3 of 2012 whereby the Minister of BUMN cannot act as a shareholder. The enactment of BUMN Permen 15/2012 to SOE Subsidiaries by SOEs Minister in his capacity as BUMN shareholder is an ultra vires action.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wildan Sena Utama

This book investigates how culture, particularly national culture, in Indonesia has been shaped by the government policies from the Dutch colonial period in 1900s to the Reformation era in 2000s. It is an attempt to show the relationship between the state and culture around the process of production, circulation, regulation and reception of cultural policy through different regimes. Although this book discusses government policy, the author has realized that the book needs to overcome contradictions and confusions of cultural discourse by incorporating people as explanatory element. Many aspect of culturality may be influenced by the state, but according to Jones, “it is a field that is not stable and easy to shift that facilitates resistance, and is able to turn against the state, market and other institutions” (p. 31). Jones employs two postcolonial cultural policy tools to review the history of cultural policy in Indonesia: authoritarian cultural policy and command culture. The first means that the state has assumption if majority of citizen do not have capability to inspirit a responsible citizenship and need a state’s direction in the choice of their culture. On the contrary, command culture shows that the cultural idea that is planned in fact always been placing the state as center in planning, creating policy and revising cultural practice.


Author(s):  
I. V. Karpova ◽  
K. A. Karpov

The paper is aimed at studying the features of the migration legislation of Japan and the study of the legal status of the immigration bureau of this state. Japan is a country that has passed a special path of historical development. In many ways, this specificity was due to the state policy of isolationism. The existing cultural traditions largely determine the attitude of the Japanese government to immigration. The paper studies the history of the formation of migration control authorities of the state in question, the peculiarities of the legal status of the Immigration Bureau of the Ministry of Justice of Japan and its structure, analyzes the powers of the Immigration Bureau employees. The paper also provides information on the size of the Immigration Bureau and state funding of the activities of this body.


Author(s):  
Taisiia Barilovska

The purpose of the article is to clarify the external functions of the President of Ukraine in the context of ensuring the security of the state. The mechanism of performing the external functions of Ukraine is characterized by the complex structure of interrelated and interacting relations. Of particular importance in this mechanism is the President of Ukraine, who, in accordance with the powers enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine and Ukrainian legislation, heads this mechanism and coordinates the operation of its parts. The foreign policy activities of the President of Ukraine are based on the general principles of separation of powers, of the rule of law, of constitutional responsibility, and on the specific principles of the unity and of the support of foreign policy. In order to improve the operation of the mechanism of implementing foreign policy, headed by the President of Ukraine, the measures aimed at intensifying foreign policy activities and enhancing the independence of the Government of Ukraine and developing the scientific component of this mechanism are required. The process of performing external functions of the state implies the existence of an appropriate mechanism. The mechanism of performing Ukraine’s external functions includes elements that are heterogeneous in their task, legal status, organization and other characteristics, which in their turn are interrelated and interacting. The President of Ukraine has a special place in this mechanism. In accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine, he directs the foreign policy of the country and as a head of state represents Ukraine in international relations. The logic of the current stage of the development of interstate relations strongly confirms that in order to effectively strengthen the common peace and international security, a unified strategy of interacting and regulating the external functions and powers of the presidents at the international level in ensuring this security must be developed. Perhaps, one of the most important functions of the President of Ukraine at the international level is the external function of ensuring the security of the state. Until the state has the security of its own territory and borders, other functions do not matter, because security is the guarantee of the stability, and therefore, the possibility of ensuring other functions.


Author(s):  
Seun Bamidele ◽  
Olusegun Oladele Idowu

Abstract The politics of land rights and low or high intensity protest in the twenty-first century has produced several land-related protesters with a variety of strategies. This study focuses on the challenges of urbanization as it affects the Kpaduma community in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory (fct), Nigeria. Kpaduma, an indigenous group, has a history of protest at various times with the government over its ancestral land. The last protest in 2016 brought massive destruction of settlements and forced displacement. Quite a number of works have been written on the land protests, with particular reference to their causes and consequences. However, the post-protests situation, particularly regarding the tense relationship and urbanization process in the locality, is yet to be sufficiently explored. This study investigates the state of relations between the government and Kpaduma as well as the urbanization processes in the country’s capital after the forced displacement of Kpaduma.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansoureh Ettehadieh Nezam-Mafi

The history and development of land tenure in Iran have been affected by many factors, including climatic conditions, scarcity of water, lack of security, widespread tribalism, and legal and administrative confusion. In addition to limitations in resources, political instability in the premodern period molded systems of land tenure in Iran. Changes of dynasty were frequent and usually followed by the confiscation and redistribution of land. The Qajar dynasty (1788–1925), which came to power after a long period of anarchy and civil war, continued that general pattern. There were three classes of land ownership in Iran in this period: waqfs (religious endowments), arbābī (land owned by large landlords), and khāliṣah (state-owned lands). This last category was composed of lands confiscated by the government as punishment for rebellion or failure to pay taxes. As land was often the only form of wealth landlords had, the threat of government confiscation was an instrument of control as well as a source of revenue for the state. The khāliṣah were usually rented out on long-term leases or were granted as ṭuyul, that is in lieu of services rendered or salaries deferred. The khāliṣah were also in some instances farmed directly by the government. These lands were cultivated by peasants under conditions similar to those of the arbābī lands. They were scattered throughout the country and were also subject to various local and regional variations in agricultural taxes.


Author(s):  
Lyudmyla Lesyk

The author analyzes the economic documentation sent by the Nizhyn governors to the Malorossiyskyi Prykaz in the 1650s and 1670s. The excerpts published in the Acts relating to the History of Southern and Western Russia. This source the author used to show the nature of the interaction between the Nizhyn Voivodship and the government, to identify the main issues voivode had to report on and the tasks he had to solve, as well as to consider the situation of the Russian military contingent in Nizhyn.The author notes that the royal pledges led by the voivods appeared in Chernihiv, Nizhyn, Pereyaslav and other Ukrainian cities in the late 1650s. The names of the Nizhyn voivods, who served in the 1650-1670s, were identified, and the author described their activities. She found out that the voivode had to build a fortress in the city to defend against enemies, manage the affairs of their garrisons, send to Moscow financial statements of expenditures, to issue a sovereign's pay to the archers, to fight against their escape, which was very common, and in addition to monitor on the activities of the local Cossack administration and internal policy in the territories subordinate to them, submit to the king petitioners and petitions, provide information on events in the Ukrainian lands and in the neighboring territories, involve the local population in the work . Under the rule of Ivan Bryukhovetsky, voivode had to collect taxes from inhabitants of the Hetmanate (except for Cossacks and clergy). The author concludes that it was through regular reports that the voivode in Moscow knew about the state of affairs in the Hetmanate region and, following the information received, adjusted their policy towards the Ukrainian lands. Therefore, the voivodship runoff can be considered a valuable source from the history of the hetman's Ukraine itself.


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