Propagana competition between “Prosvita” and The A. Dukhnovych Society for the Rusinian audience of Subcarpathian Rus during the interwar period

Rusin ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 176-200
Author(s):  
O.M. Kutska ◽  

This article analyzes the informational activity of two societies – “Prosvita” (Eng. Enlightenment) and The A. Dukhnovych Society among Rusinian population of Subcarpathian Rus using modern approaches to the propaganda analysis, which implies answering the questions of who, whom on, what methods and forms are used. In particular, it has been found out that both societies had similar structures, with their members being representatives of intelligentsia with Ukrainophile and Russophile views respectively. They were also joined by the representatives of emigration and local population. The Rusinian audience had a relatively low educational level, and many residents of Subcarpathian Rus could not make up their minds whether they were of Rusinian ethnicity and what religion they practiced. The main forms of informing were printed press, oral transmission and radio broadcasting. Most often, the societies used polygraphic means of propaganda, since they were the easiest to produce. Oral transmission also proved quite productive, since it did not require significant expenditures. Radio was of limited application due to lack of receiving equipment. The author’s perspective of the propaganda methods has been formed through the analysis of individual episodes, informational and visual materials about the social and political life of Carpathian Rus and the activities of “Prosvita” and The A. Dukhnovich Society. Among the most popular methods were persuasion, suggestion, manipulation, and disinformation. However, it is possible to speak about their application only conditionally, since there was no propaganda technique in its modern understanding. The representatives of the societies under analsysis acted out of their personal understanding of campaigning methods and responding to the information needs of the Rusin community.

2019 ◽  
pp. 66-71
Author(s):  
Olesia Dzyra

The article describes the division of the Ukrainian community of Canada in the interwar period into a number of public and political organizations. The focus is on the national and patriotic bloc, which opposed the communist one. The basis of this bloc constituted liberal the Ukrainian self-reliance league of Canada, nationalist the Ukrainian war veterans association in Canada, the Ukrainian national federation of Canada, conservative the Ukrainian catholic brotherhood of Canada, and the United hetman organization. The basis of the various conflicts in the bloc, including differences in ideological postulates of liberal, nationalist and conservative societies and views on the religion of Orthodox and Greek Catholics who were members of the organizations mentioned above are analyzed in the study. It is described how opposing parties resisted against each other, and what role the press played in those conflicts. The article also enlightens attempts of agreements between public organizations and mentions joint actions to support the Ukrainian issue in the world. The common goal could reconcile the national and patriotic public associations at the time of the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee on November 7, 1940, which marked a new stage in the social and political life of the Ukrainian Diaspora, as it was emphasized in the article. The reasons that hindered Ukrainian societies from reaching a mutually acceptable consensus and promoted further aggravation of relations were elucidated. The main consequences of conflicts in the environment of national and patriotic public organizations were identified, namely how it was reflected in the social and political life of the Ukrainian diaspora during the interwar period, how it was perceived by the ruling circles of Canada, and how it was used by the communist groups.


Author(s):  
Y. I. Kryshanivsky ◽  
R. B. Puyda

The article deals with the problems of the Poberezhia village inhabitants’ cultural, educational and socioeconomic life as the typical countryside settlement of the Eastern Galicia of the interwar period (1919–1939). The social conditions of the local population residence were highlighted. They depended directly on the size of the land allotment. It was found that the agriculture and small industries related to the processing of agricultural raw materials and natural materials were the main vectors of economic activity in the Poberezhia village. The effectiveness of this activity consisted in the qualitative peasants’ self-organization for the cooperative movement. The situation of education in the village and the struggle of Poberezhia inhabitants for the Ukrainian language of education and a national-cultural consciousness preservation, where the important place was given to such public associations as «Ridna Shkola», «Prosvita», «Luh» and «Sokil», were analyzed. It was investigated that the local military-patriotic organization «Polski Związek Strzelecki» was provided by Poberezhia Polish community.


Author(s):  
Eugene Golovatsky ◽  
Natalia Nyatina

The development of civic initiatives is a significant indicator of the social and political life of the community. A study of urban space initiatives can reveal both the state of civil society and the resource capabilities of the area. The research objective was to find tools for sociological analysis of resources of civil initiatives. The paper features some possibilities of social and political interaction between urban communities and the regional authorities. The civil initiatives within the urban communities of Kuzbass appeared to be poorly formed, especially in terms of quality content, self-expression, the nature of the initiatives, and the scale of resource capacity of the local population. The authors believe that the modern practice of using and attracting resources of civil initiatives is at its early stage in the cities of Kuzbass. Some formats of interaction between the authorities and the community are gradually emerging, but the local communities seem to mistrust the local authorities, which makes the interaction irregular and sporadic. The processes of interaction between the urban communities and the authorities demonstrate cases of joint and autonomous (as a rule, initiated by the community) use of publicity opportunities for the implementation of formal and informal civil initiatives. However, formal civic initiatives fail to convey all the diversity of the social demands that could improve urban life.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1800-1816
Author(s):  
G.B. Kozyreva ◽  
T.V. Morozova ◽  
R.V. Belaya

Subject. The article provides considerations on the formation and development of a successful person model in the modern Russian society. Objectives. The study is an attempt to model a successful person in the Russian society, when the ideological subsystem of the institutional matrix is changing. Methods. The study relies upon the theory of institutional matrices by S. Kirdina, theories of human and social capital. We focus on the assumption viewing a person as a carrier of social capital, which conveys a success, socio-economic position, social status, civic activism, doing good to your family and the public, confidence in people and association with your region. The empirical framework comprises data of the sociological survey of the Russian population in 2018. The data were processed through the factor analysis. Results. We devised a model of a successful person in today's Russian society, which reveals that a success, first of all, depends on the economic wellbeing and has little relation to civic activism. The potential involvement (intention, possibility, preparedness) in the social and political life significantly dominates the real engagement of people. The success has a frail correlation with constituents of the social capital, such as confidence in people and doing good to the public. Conclusions and Relevance. Based on the socio-economic wellbeing, that is consumption, the existing model of a successful person proves to be ineffective. The sustainability of socio-economic wellbeing seriously contributes to the social disparity of opportunities, which drive a contemporary Russian to a success in life.


Author(s):  
Ruqaya Saeed Khalkhal

The darkness that Europe lived in the shadow of the Church obscured the light that was radiating in other parts, and even put forward the idea of democracy by birth, especially that it emerged from the tent of Greek civilization did not mature in later centuries, especially after the clergy and ideological orientation for Protestants and Catholics at the crossroads Political life, but when the Renaissance emerged and the intellectual movement began to interact both at the level of science and politics, the Europeans in democracy found refuge to get rid of the tyranny of the church, and the fruits of the application of democracy began to appear on the surface of most Western societies, which were at the forefront to be doubtful forms of governece.        Democracy, both in theory and in practice, did not always reflect Western political realities, and even since the Greek proposition, it has not lived up to the idealism that was expected to ensure continuity. Even if there is a perception of the success of the democratic process in Western societies, but it was repulsed unable to apply in Islamic societies, because of the social contradiction added to the nature of the ruling regimes, and it is neither scientific nor realistic to convey perceptions or applications that do not conflict only with our civilized reality The political realization created by certain historical circumstances, and then disguises the different reality that produced them for the purpose of resonance in the ideal application.


2019 ◽  
pp. 110-119
Author(s):  
А. Дононбаев ◽  
Лили Сюй

Аннотация: Конфуцианство - это учение, возникшее в Древнем Китае, которое затронуло не только политику, но также и этические и политические нормы правления государством. Именно это учение оказало невероятное влияние на развитие не только политической жизни, но также и на общественный строй и духовную культуру Китая, на протяжении периода становления страны, как отдельного государства. Данная статья рассматривает не только личную жизнь Конфуция, но и период становления его, как духовного лидера, а также рассказывает о том, какие преграды ему пришлось преодолеть, для того, чтобы его работа и навыки, которые были предложены им, были воплощены в реальность. Ключевые слова: Конфуций, этико-политическое учение, философия, этика, политика, идеология, общество. Аннотация: Конфуций илими Байыркы Кытайда пайда болгон бир гана саясатты эмес ошондой эле мамлекеттик бийликтин этикалык жана саясий ченемдерине таасирин тийгизген окуу. Бул доктрина гана саясий эмес, иштеп чыгуу боюнча укмуштуудай таасирин тийгизген, ошондой эле өзүнчө мамлекет катары өлкөнүн калыптануу мезгилинде коомдук тартипти жана Кытай рухий маданиятына жатат. Бул макала Конфуцийдин жеке жашоосун гана эмес анын руханий лидер катары мөөнөтүн, ошондой эле бул иш үчүн, ал кандай тоскоолдуктарды жоюусу айтылат, ал сунушталган көндүмдөр, чындыгында жашоодо колдонулган. Түйүндүү сөздөр: Конфуций, этикалык жана саясий доктрина, философия, этика, саясат, идеология, коом. Abstract: Confucianism is a doctrine that emerged in ancient China, which affected not only politics, but also ethical and political norms of government. His doctrines had an incredible impact on the development of not only political life, but also the social structure and spiritual culture of China, during the period of the country's emergence as a separate state. This article considers not only the private life of Confucius, but also the period of its formation as a spiritual leader, and also tells about the obstacles that he had to overcome in order for his work and the skills that were offered to them to be realized. Keywords: Confucius, ethical and political doctrine, philosophy, ethics, politics, ideology, society.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-552
Author(s):  
T. Mills Kelly

During a debate on the franchise reform bill in the Austrian Reichsrat on 12 September 1906, the Czech National Socialist Party deputy Václav Choc demanded that suffrage be extended to women as well as men. Otherwise, Choc asserted, the women of Austria would be consigned to the same status as “criminals and children.” Choc was certainly not the only Austrian parliamentarian to voice his support for votes for women during the debates on franchise reform. However, his party, the most radical of all the Czech nationalist political factions, was unique in that it not only included women's suffrage in its official program, as the Social Democrats had done a decade earlier, but also worked hard to change the political status of women in the Monarchy while the Social Democrats generally paid only lip service to this goal. Moreover, Choc and his colleagues in the National Socialist Party helped change the terms of the debate about women's rights by explicitly linking the “woman question” to the “national question” in ways entirely different from the prevailing discourse of liberalism infin-de-siècleAustria. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, liberal reformers, whether German or Czech, tried to mold the participation of women in political life to fit the liberal view of a woman's “proper” role in society. By contrast, the radical nationalists who rose to prominence in Czech political culture only after 1900, attempted to recast the debate over women's rights as central to their two-pronged discourse of social and national emancipation, while at the same time pressing for the complete democratization of Czech political life at all levels, not merely in the imperial parliament. In so doing, and with the active but often necessarily covert collaboration of women associated with the party, these radical nationalists helped extend the parameters of the debate over the place Czech women had in the larger national society.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095858
Author(s):  
Leena Ripatti-Torniainen

This article provides an alternative contribution to journalism studies on a foundational concept by analysing texts of Jane Addams, a public intellectual contemporary with the seminal scholars Walter Lippmann and John Dewey. The author uses methods of intellectual history to construct the concept of the public from Addams’s books: Democracy and Social Ethics and The Newer Ideals of Peace, showing that all three authors, Lippmann, Dewey and Addams, discuss the same topic of individuals’ changed engagement with public political life. Addams departs from Lippmann and Dewey in setting out from the standpoints of exclusion and cosmopolitanism. Her argument regarding the public, as constructed by the author, consists of two premises. First, public engagement is a method of democratic inclusion as well as social and political inquiry for Addams. She sees the extension of relationality across social divisions as a necessary method to understand society and materialise democracy. Second, Addams emphasises cooperative and reflexive involvement especially in the characteristic developments of a time. She considers industrialisation and cosmopolitanism as characteristic developments of her own era. Addams suggests an in-principle cosmopolitan concept of the public that includes marginalised persons and groups. Compared to Lippmann’s and Dewey’s accounts of the public, Jane Addams’s argument is more radical and far more sensitive to the social inequality and plurality of a drastically morphing society.


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