scholarly journals The Russian-Chechen relations in XVI-XVII centuries

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-104
Author(s):  
Rustam Alhazurovich Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia Nadipovna Galimova ◽  
Eliza Musatovna Ozdamirova

The following paper investigates the Russian-Chechen relations in XVI-XVII centuries. The authors note that the Caucasus was in the sphere of Russian foreign policy at the time of the Russian centralized state formation. With the annexation of the Astrakhan khanate, Russia came to the Caucasus border and the Caucasian direction started to occupy a leading place in the Eastern policy of the tsarist government. The Caucasus in the XVI century was an object of a tense struggle between the two most powerful States of the then Middle East - Ottoman Empire and Safavid Iran - and at the same time a bridgehead, where there was a constant threat to the southern outskirts of Russia from these States and the Crimean khanate. The strengthening of Russia on the Caucasian lands could become the most reliable means to ensure the safety of the South of Russia. So in the XVII and XVII centuries, the North Caucasus was Russias military-strategic interest or, in modern language, a geopolitical one. Chechnya came under the influence of Russia in 1567, when the first Russian militarized city Terek in the North Caucasus was founded. For the peoples of the North Caucasus and of Chechnya the appearance of a Russian fortress on their land was of great political importance. Thus, it was vital for Russia to gain a foothold in the North Caucasus, as the enemy (Iran and Turkey) could do it, which was unsafe for Russias southern borders. It was during this period (late sixteenth century) when close military and political ties of the Moscow government and the Chechens were established. The Moscow government was interested in Chechnya because of its geographical location - the immediate proximity to the towns of Terek and the fact that its territory was the most convenient means of communication with Georgia. The relationship between Chechnya and Russia at the end of XVI - first half of XVII century was almost an ideal model of a peaceful rapprochement of the Chechen with the Moscow government for those conditions and at that time. The Russian authorities did not interfere in the internal affairs of the Chechen societies, they did not impose their own rules or laws, being satisfied with the results of the hostages, the payment of tribute and, if necessary, temporary military service. This led to the fact that in the XVII century allied relations of Chechnya societies with Russia were established. However, at the end of the XVII century Russian-Caucasian connection was significantly weakened.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Onur Limon

Çerkesler, Çarlık Rusyası’nın sürgün politikalarıyla önce Kafkasya’dan, Anadolu’ya ve Balkanlar’a ve daha sonra Ortadoğu’ya göç etmek zorunda kalmıştır. Çerkeslerin Kuzey Kafkasya’dan başlayan bu sürgünü (göçü), farklı coğrafyalarda ve tarihsel periyotlarda devamlılık göstermektedir. Suriye iç savaşı nedeniyle ülkelerini terk etmek zorunda kalan Suriyeli Çerkeslerden anavatanları Kuzey Kafkasya’ya dönmek isteyenler ise Rusya Federasyonu’nun engelleriyle karşılaşmaktadır. Bugüne kadar Çerkesler ve göç ilişkisi üzerine birçok çalışma yapılmıştır. Diğer çalışmaların aksine bu çalışma, Çerkeslerin Kafkasya’dan başlayan göç hareketlerinin farklı coğrafyalarda ve tarihsel periyotlarda devamlılık gösterdiğini tarihsel bir içerik analiziyle, literatürde yer alan çalışmalara dayanarak ortaya koymaktadır. Çalışmanın amacı, Suriye’de devam eden iç savaş nedeniyle ülkelerini terk etmek zorunda kalan Suriyeli Çerkeslerden Kuzey Kafkasya’ya dönmek isteyenlerin karşılaştıkları zorlukları açıklığa kavuşturmaktır. Bu çerçevede, Rusya Federasyonu’nun Kuzey Kafkasya’da Çerkes nüfusu lehine demografik bir değişikliğe izin vermemesinin nedenleri arasında, tarihsel nedenlerin yanı sıra, bürokratik engeller, coğrafî etkiler, iş olanakları ve sosyo-kültürel uyum sorunları Çerkeslerin Kuzey Kafkasya’ya dönüşlerine engel teşkil etmektedir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHForgotten in Syria: A Familiar Story, Circassians and ImmigrationThe Circassians have been deported from the Caucasus to Anatolia and the Balkans and then to the Middle East by the Tsarist Russia. This deportation of the Circassians, starts from the North Caucasus, continues in different geographical and historical periods. Those Circassians from Syria who have been forced to leave the country due to the civil war in Syria and want to return back to their homelands, the North Caucasus, were faced the obstacles by the Russian Federation. There have been many studies on the relationship between the Circassians and immigration until today. Contrary to other studies, this study reveals on the immigration movements of the Circassians, which starts from the Caucasus and continues in different geographical and historical periods, with a historical content analysis based on the studies from the literature. The aim of the study is to clarify the difficulties have been faced by the Circassians who want to return to the North Caucasus because of being forced to leave the country due to ongoing civil war in Syria. In this context, together with the historical reasons, the bureaucratic obstacles, geographical influences, job opportunities and sociocultural adaptation problems can be mentioned among the reasons why the Russian Federation does not allow a demographic change in favor of the Circassian population, which refrain the Circassians from return to the North Caucasus.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10 (108)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Timur Matiev

The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of the folding and evolution of the attitude of mountain democratic leaders to the policy and practice of the White Guard political and military leadership, as well as to the actions of the troops of the Volunteer Army in the mountainous regions of the North Caucasus. Particular attention is paid to such moments as the position of the white movement on the rights of nations to self-determination; the relationship of whites with the Union of the United Highlanders of the North Caucasus and Dagestan, and after that — with the Mountain Republic; their position in relation to the land and national question in the North Caucasus. The evolution of views and assessments of highland emigration is traced both on the role and place of the White movement in the recent history of the region, and on the past and future of historical ties between the North Caucasus and Russia. An attempt is made to analyze the changes in a number of accents in these assessments over time and under the influence of the development of the situation in the Caucasus, the USSR and the world as a whole.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-43
Author(s):  
Daniyal S. Kidirniyazov

The article, based on a wide range of archival data and special academic literature, provides a science-based description of the political situation of the state formations of the North Caucasus of the period under study. Against the background of the complex historical events of the time in question, the role of local peoples in relations between Russia and Shah Iran and Sultan Turkey (its vassal - the Crimean Khanate) is shown. In addition, much attention is paid to the internecine war that broke out in the region in the early ‘40s of the XVII century, which led to a change in the balance of power of the North Caucasian ruling elites of different foreign policy orientation.Over the course of several centuries, the North-Eastern Caucasus became the object of expansion of the adjacent great power of the time, Shah Iran. Shah Iran sought not only to maintain its influence in the Caucasus, especially in the Caspian Sea basin but also to push the northern borders of the Shah possessions to the Terek.According to the author, the Persian shahs, in achieving their goals, tried by any means to attract influential local rulers to their side and make them an instrument of their policy in the Caucasus. In such a complex international political situation, the North Caucasian rulers, primarily the Tarkovsky shamkhals, deftly tacked Iran and Russia in contradictions, successfully defending their independence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-151
Author(s):  
Denis Sokolov

In the 2000s, Al-Qaeda, represented by the Caucasus Emirate, took over the first Chechen resistance, as well as local Islamist armed groups in Dagestan and other republics of the North Caucasus. However, a decade later, the Islamic State won the competition with Al-Qaeda, by including the involvement of women in its project. Hundreds of Russian-speaking Muslim women followed men to live by the rules of Islam. Some joined their husbands or children. Others travelled to the Islamic State in pursuit of love and romance with future husbands they had met on the internet. Based on exclusive interviews done with women detained in the Roj detention camp in the Kurdish territories in northeastern Syria near the Iraqi border, this article analyzes some of the trajectories that has pushed young North Caucasian women to the Syrian war theater in the name of love.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-420
Author(s):  
Vladimir N. KAVKAZKY ◽  
◽  
Yana V. MEL’NIK ◽  
Alexey P. LEIKIN ◽  
Andrey V. BENIN ◽  
...  

Objective: Chirkeyskaya HPP is by far the most powerful hydroelectric power plant in the North Caucasus with the highest arched dam in Russia and the second highest dam in the country after the Sayano-Shushenskaya HPP. This explains why it is called the pearl of the Caucasus. Methods: For the operation and maintenance of this unique structure, a large-scale complex of underground structures for various purposes was built, the technical condition of which must be constantly monitored. To carry out work on the survey of underground structures, the management of the design and survey institute of JSC “Lengidroproekt” decided to attract specialists from the Department of Tunnels and Subways and the Test Center “Strength” of Emperor Alexander I Petersburg State Transport University. The work was successfully carried out at the end of 2015. Results: The safety of underground structures was objectively assessed. Recommendations for the repair and further comprehensive reconstruction of the Chirkeyskaya HPP have been developed. Practical importance: Carry out work on the survey of underground structures of Chirkeyskaya HPP is allowes elaborate of complex measures on safety from Chirkeyskaya HPP.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Galina Yemelianova

Following the break-up of the USSR in 1991 the Muslim peoples of the Caucasus – corresponding to present-day Azerbaijan and the Russian North Caucasus – have been in a continuous process of renegotiating their Islamic identity and the role of Islam in the processes of nation-building. This has involved a complex set of factors, including the correlation between the rise of Islam and socio-economic well-being (or the lack of it), the level and longevity of Islamic heritage, the relationship between Islam and the nature of the ruling post-Soviet Caucasian regimes, and the degree of susceptibility to the region’s exposure to foreign influences, Islamic and Western. This article examines some of these factors from an historical perspective, concentrating on how the political elites and the populace variously dealt with essentially external influences in the course of their centuries-long incorporation within successive political empires. From the seventh century AD these were Islamic, emanating from the Umayyad, Abbasid, Timurid, Ottoman and Safavid empires; and from the nineteenth century, Russian Orthodox and Soviet atheist. An analysis of the dynamics set up by these influences and the distinctively Caucasian Muslim responses to them is crucial in understanding how current elites and their antagonists in the region embrace, reject and otherwise instrumentalise Islam.


Slavic Review ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-256
Author(s):  
Karl von Loewe

The existence of compulsory military service has become a major theme in recent attempts to explain the development of Lithuanian society and politics in the early sixteenth century. Much of the discussion has centered on the relationship between military service and feudalism. This article concentrates not on that question but on the nature of military service and the understanding it can provide of the structure and dynamics of the economy of Lithuania in the sixteenth century.


Kavkaz-forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Ф.С. Киреев

В статье анализируются причины строительства Владикавказской железной дороги и механизм сооружения этой важной железнодорожной артерии. Актуальность темы анализа истории развития железнодорожной сети Северо-Кавказского региона определяется необходимостью подробного изучения проблем ее социально-экономического развития. Строительство Ростово-Владикавказской железной дороги также является примером государственно-частного сотрудничества, которое хорошо себя оправдало. Дорога была построена полностью за счет средств акционеров, среди которых были как крупные промышленники, так и простые обыватели. Находясь в частной собственности, Владикавказская железная дорога хорошо функционировала и развивалась. При этом государство получило важную транспортную артерию, имевшую большое экономическое и военно-стратегическое значение. Немаловажным было и то, что за счет Владикавказской железной дороги был построен ряд социальных объектов – больницы, учебные заведения. В статье также показана заинтересованность общественности Владикавказа и региона в целом в строительстве железной дороги. Различные варианты прокладки пути, строительства станций широко обсуждались как специалистами, так и простыми горожанами. В итоге был выбран наиболее оптимальный путь и месторасположения станции Владикавказ. В свое время, благодаря открытию Владикавказской железной дороги, был дан заметный импульс дальнейшему развитию торговли и промышленности на Северном Кавказе. Последующее расширение транспортных артерий уже в наши дни может существенно оживить экономику Кавказа и России в целом, а также внести свой вклад в деле развития туризма в регионе. В связи с этим и необходимо анализировать историю строительства Владикавказской железной дороги и перенимать лучший опыт прошлого. The article analyzes the reasons for constructing Vladikavkaz railway and the mechanism of constructing this important railway artery. The topic relevance of studying the history of the railway network in the North Caucasus is determined by the necessity for further problem research of its socio-economic development. In its time Vladikavkaz railway had a huge impact on the development of trade and industry in the North Caucasus. The construction of the Rostov-Vladikavkaz railway is also an example of public-private cooperation, which has paid off well. The road was built entirely at the expense of shareholders, among whom were both large industrialists and ordinary people. Being privately owned, the Vladikavkaz railway functioned and developedwell. At the same time, the state acquired an important transport artery of great economic and military-strategic importance. It was also important that a number of social facilities were built at the expense of the Vladikavkaz railway - hospitals, educational institutions. The article also shows the interest of the public in Vladikavkaz and the region as a whole in the construction of the railway. Various options for laying the track, building stations were widely discussed by both specialists and ordinary citizens. As a result, the most optimal route and location of the Vladikavkaz station were chosen. Further expansion of transport arteries today can significantly revive the economy of the Caucasus and Russia as a whole, as well as contribute to the development of tourism in the region. In this regard, it is necessary to analyze the history of constructing Vladikavkaz railway and adopt the best experience of the past.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Н.Ф. Бугай

В статье на основе исследований российских ученых, архивных документов, воспоминаний рассматривается слабо изученная в отечественной историографии проблема участия представителей этнических меньшинств в битвах за Кавказ и Крым в ходе Великой Отечественной войны. В качестве примера автором избраны этнические общности курдов и корейцев. Использованы историко-генетический, историко-биографический и системно-исторический методы. Изучены меры советского командования по формированию национальных воинских подразделений; реконструированы биографии героев войны – корейцев и курдов, участвовавших в освобождении Юга России и получивших боевые награды; прослежена их послевоенная судьба; рассмотрены репрессивные действия советского правительства по отношению к военнослужащим некоторых национальностей. Автор заключает, что представители разных народов СССР, столкнувшись с врагом, проявили стремление к единству и добровольное желание выступить на защиту государства, которое они избрали своей Родиной. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the biographies of participants in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945), who belonged to ethnic minorities and fought for the liberation of the Caucasus and Crimea from Nazi invaders. As an example, the author selected ethnic communities of Kurds and Koreans. The study was conducted on the basis of research by Russian scholars, archival documents, and memoirs of direct participants in the events. The historical-genetic, historical-biographical and system-historical methods were used. The measures of the Soviet command for the formation of national military units were studied, the biographies of war heroes, Koreans and Kurds who participated in the liberation of the South of Russia and received military awards (including the title Hero of the Soviet Union) were reconstructed. The author describes in detail the military clashes during which these fighters showed military prowess, presents their photographs, and traces their further military path, post-war fate and forms of their memory perpetuation. Quotations from the war veterans’ front-line letters and their relatives’ memoirs are given. The repressive actions of the Soviet government towards the military personnel of certain nationalities, who after the demobilization received the status of “special settlers” and lost their military tickets and award sheets, are also considered. The author emphasizes that the fight against the enemy was a test of strength for the unity of the peoples living in the Caucasus and Crimea. Examples of civic solidarity in the fight against the enemy shown by ethnic minorities in the early days of the war (mass enrollment in volunteers, holding civil rallies) are given. It is noted that representatives of local ethnic communities became the basis of 12 military units that were at the forefront of the defenders of the Caucasus. The paradoxical nature of the situation in which USSR citizens were repressed for various (often far-fetched) reasons is stated; however, during the war they still heroically fought against Nazism with arms in their hands. The author connects the repressions against members of the ethnic minorities with the ethnosocial policy pursued by the Soviet state, as well as the spread of desertion and draft evasion in the North Caucasus and Crimea. It is concluded that representatives of ethnic minorities living in the USSR, faced with the enemy, showed a desire for unity and a voluntary desire to defend the state, which they chose as their homeland.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166
Author(s):  
Maxim A. Suchkov

The North Caucasus is a most significant but a least understood problem in contemporary U.S.-Russia relations. The United States as one of the prime pace-setters in the region shaped its own attitude towards Russia’s most volatile region. Over more than twenty years, Washington experienced at least three major stages in its “Caucasus strategy”, and each stage had its impact on the North Caucasus. Since the beginning, the two states stuck to conflicting narratives of developments in the region. With time, some of the assessments were re-evaluated, but some continue to impede cooperation on key security issues. The present article explores these phenomena and examines what implications major events like the 9/11 attacks, the Caucasus Emirate enlistment among top terrorist organisations, the Boston marathon bombings, etc. had for the U.S.-Russia joint efforts in fighting terrorism. It also assesses areas of potential disagreement in the North Caucasus between the two countries.


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