scholarly journals Complex Interdependence Between Indonesia-Australia Through Cybersecurity Cooperation Post-Indonesia-Australia Cyberwar in 2013

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-188
Author(s):  
Elva Azzahra Puji Lestari
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geographical Proximity ◽  
Cyber Attack ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Complex Interdependence

The geographical proximity between Indonesia and Australia leads to harmonious relations between these two countries, especially in security. The development of information technology is one of the areas becoming the focus of Indonesia and Australia in maintaining regional security. Security cooperation has been established between Indonesia and Australia. This development can have an impact on a dispute between Indonesia and Australia, particularly in the 2013 cyberwar conflict. An Australian cyber-attack on Indonesia by tapping President Yudhoyono’s communication network caused the cyberwar incident. However, the post-cyberwar between Indonesia and Australia did not cause tension in the relations between the two countries. Indonesia approved the MOU of Cybersecurity Cooperation with Australia in 2018. This study aims to analyze the causes of Indonesia and Australia’s choice to continue their cybersecurity cooperation after the Indonesia-Australia cyberwar in 2013. This research utilized the theory of complex interdependence and domestic politics and qualitative analysis methods. The results revealed that Australia’s soft power resources, Australia’s political credibility, the advantages of Indonesia and Australia as democratic countries, and the political survival of individual leaders caused both countries to continue their cybersecurity cooperation after the Indonesia-Australia cyberwar in 2013.

Regional security cooperation against hegemonic threats: Theory and evidence from France and West Germany (1945–65)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Joshua Byun
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Strategic Flexibility ◽  
European Security ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Considerable Support

Abstract Why do some regional powers collectively threatened by a potential hegemon eagerly cooperate to ensure their security, while others appear reluctant to do so? I argue that robust security cooperation at the regional level is less likely when an unbalanced distribution of power exists between the prospective security partners. In such situations, regional security cooperation tends to be stunted by foot-dragging and obstructionism on the part of materially inferior states wary of facilitating the strategic expansion of neighbours with larger endowments of power resources, anticipating that much of the coalition's gains in military capabilities are likely to be achieved through an expansion of the materially superior neighbour's force levels and strategic flexibility. Evidence drawn from primary material and the latest historiography of France's postwar foreign policy towards West Germany provides considerable support for this argument. My findings offer important correctives to standard accounts of the origins of Western European security cooperation and suggest the need to rethink the difficulties the United States has encountered in promoting cooperation among local allies in key global regions.

scholarly journals China Factor in Tajikistan: Prospects and Threats

2021 ◽  
pp. 110-125
Author(s):  
A. Titarenko
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Stability ◽  
Single Source ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Economic Independence ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Lately China has achieved impressive results in the utilization of logistical and natural resources of Tajikistan. The influence of Chinese “soft power” is also growing in the republic. The security cooperation has become a new important sphere of bilateral ties. Beijing has become an almost single source of financial and other resources for the leadership of Tajikistan trying to use it for social and internal stability purposes. As a result an economic, mainly debt, dependence of Dushanbe on China is growing. However the government of RT continues to follow the same course which may lead to the loss of the economic independence and even of the political one.

The New Terrain of International Law

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Courts ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Delegation Of Authority ◽  
The World ◽  
The Law

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.

The Gallic Singularity and the Royal Mistress

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marie Antoinette ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Realm

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.

An Analysis of UN Peacekeeping as Pakistan’s Soft Power Asset

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Protective Role ◽  
International Community ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
The People ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.

Chinese Television in Africa

2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642110120
Author(s):  
Alessandro Jedlowski
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Chinese Media ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
The Media ◽  
Chinese Television ◽  
Media Company

On the basis of the results of an ongoing research project on the activities of the Chinese media company StarTimes in Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire, this paper analyses the fluid and fragmentary dimension of the engagements between Chinese media and African publics, while equally emphasizing the power dynamics that underlie them. Focusing on a variety of ethnographic sources, it argues for an approach to the study of Chinese media expansion in Africa able to take into account, simultaneously, the macro-political and macro-economic factors which condition the nature of China–Africa media interactions, the political intentions behind them (as, for example, the Chinese soft power policies and their translation into specific media contents), and the micro dimension of the practices and uses of the media made by the actors (producers and consumers of media) in the field.

OMNES QVI SVNT EIVS ORDINIS A POMPEIO EVOCANTVR: THE PROCONSUL POMPEIUS’ SENATORIAL MEETING IN 49 b.c.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Roman M. Frolov
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Republican Rome ◽  
The Future ◽  
Scholarly Attention

In his Bellum Ciuile, Caesar reports the events of 1 January 49 with these words (1.3.1): misso ad uesperum senatu omnes qui sunt eius ordinis a Pompeio euocantur. laudat <promptos> Pompeius atque in posterum confirmat, segniores castigat atque incitat. When the Senate had been dismissed towards dusk, all who belonged to that order were summoned by Pompeius. He praised the determined and encouraged them for the future while criticizing and stirring up those who were less eager to act. This meeting has not attracted much scholarly attention and admittedly for a good reason: other circumstances of the outbreak of the Civil War are, perhaps, more significant for understanding the events as well as the intentions and decisions of the political actors. The importance of this gathering lies, however, not so much in what its role might have been in the developments of the year 49 but rather in the context of the phenomenon of the promagistrates’ interference in the domestic politics of Late Republican Rome.

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