Bridging the Great Divide between State and Society (A Study on Two Initiatives of Enhancing the State ?Society Synergy in Sri Lanka)

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aruna Jayathilaka ◽  
P. L. T Purasinghe
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil ◽  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki ◽  
Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha ◽  
Vimalasiri Kamalasiri

This study aims to identify the factors preventing the state from responding in a manner that will avoid future conflict in post-civil war Sri Lanka. After the government ended the separatist struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by bringing the civil war to an end in May 2009, the protracted and destructive 30-year war presented an opportunity for both state and society to learn many useful lessons from the long war. These lessons could have enabled the government to reconstitute the state as an inclusive institution, one in which minorities could also participate to ensure just and equitable development for all Sri Lankans. This study uses a qualitative research approach that involves analysis of critical categories. Findings of this study offer some crucial insights about Sri Lanka’s ethnic politics, particularly, the various factors have influenced the state to avoid inclusive policies. The key factor is the dilemma of post-independent political culture or traditions amongst ruling elites resulted in the avoidance of inclusive policies. This study also reveals some other factors that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society still prevail in Sri Lanka, hampering the institution of inclusive policies. Further, the paper highlights the failure of India and the International Community to pressurize the state of Sri Lanka to introduce inclusive mechanisms due to international power balance (China factor).


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 290
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil ◽  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Vimalasiri Kamalasiri ◽  
Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha ◽  
Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki

Many observers view the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009 as a significant turning point in the protracted ethnic conflict that was troubling Sri Lanka. The armed struggle and the consequences of war have encouraged the state and society to address the group rights of ethnic minorities and move forward towards state reconstitution. The Tamil minority and international community expect that the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) must introduce inclusive policies as a solution to the ethnic conflict. They believe the state should take measures to avoid another major contestation through the lessons learned from the civil war. The study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis. In this backdrop, this paper examines the attempts made for the inclusion of minorities into the state system in post-civil war Sri Lanka, which would contribute to finding a resolution to the ethnic conflict. The study reveals that numerous attempts were made at various periods to introduce inclusive policies to achieve state reconstitution, but those initiatives failed to deliver sustainable peace. The study also explores problems pertaining to contemporary policy attempts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 613-620
Author(s):  
Igor N. Tyapin

The author of the article uses the works of L.A. Tikhomirov as the basis when examining the problem of criticism of the conditions of the state and society in monarchic Russia during the last decade of its existence from the part of the conservative figures who not only advocated the necessity to preserve the autocracy but also substantially contributed to the working out of the main principles of Russian social development. In particular, the “creative conservators” managed to accomplish the deep philosophic conceptualization of Russian history while trying to find the previously lost ideal of social organization. Tikhomirov’s relevant concepts of the mutual conditionality of Russian national consciousness underdevelopment and state degradation, as well as of the necessity to realize the model of the moral state of justice on the basis of the national idea, were not accepted by the bureaucratic system that resulted before long in the collapse of Russian monarchic state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Feruza Davronova ◽  

The purpose of this article is to study the image of socio-political activity of women, their role and importance in the life of the state and society.In this, we referred to the unique books of orientalists and studied their opinions and views on this topic. The article considers the socio-political activity of women, their role in the state and society, the role of the mother in the family and raising a child, oriental culture, national and spiritual values, traditions and social significance of women


Author(s):  
T.B. Mikulin ◽  
IU.S. Panov ◽  
L.I. Krugliak

развитие цифровых технологий сформировало современный тренд к переходу на цифровую экономику для многих развитых государств, что требует кардинального трансформирования многих сфер деятельности государства и обществаthe Development of digital technologies has formed a modern trend towards the transition to a digital economy for many developed countries, which requires a radical transformation of many areas of activity of the state and society.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.


Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-541
Author(s):  
Patrick J. Speelman
Keyword(s):  

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