Venezuela after Hugo Chávez

2014 ◽  
pp. 67-77
Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Executive Vice President ◽  
Long Time ◽  
High Crime ◽  
Mass Actions ◽  
High Crime Rate

The article reviews socio-political processes in Venezuela after the death (March 5, 2013) of the president Hugo Chávez. The death of the charismatic leader put the problem of early election on the agenda. The election took place on April 14. The course of the rapid campaign is highlighted. The Establishment was represented by the executive vice president Nicolás Maduro, whom the head of the state had appointed his successor not long before his death. The united opposition nominated Henrique Capriles, the governor of the state Miranda. The destiny of the project of “socialism of the 21st century” was at stake. The Establishment used administrative resources and created a lot of obstacles to the rival. N. Maduro came top although with the tiniest margin. The municipal elections were held in December. Although the authority improved its results, it suffered defeat in the cities where the middle class lived. The society split up into two parts. The article gives special attention to socio-economic troubles and failed attempts to deal with them. It is emphasized that a relative welfare of the poorest groups of the population had its reversed side, which included almost absolute exhaustion of dollar-bringing industry and huge inflation. There are difficulties with the food supply. The citizens are also seriously troubled by a very high crime rate. Serious discontent burst out on February 12, 2014 on the Youth Day, when the people took to the streets, with students in the vanguard. Mass actions lasted for a long time. The authorities who regarded this unrest as an attempt of a coup, reacted quickly, using the force. These events caused an anxiety of the world’s community which called on the confronting sides to cease violence and begin negotiations as well as offered to serve as intermediary. Three scenarios of political development of the country are given as a conclusion.

Formation of the research tradition of studying the institute Parliamentarism as a mechanism for the establishment of democracy

2017 ◽  
pp. 187-198
Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Research Tradition ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Parliamentary Regimes

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism

scholarly journals PERKEMBANGAN PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN DI INDONESIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Indarja Indarja
Keyword(s):  
Vice President ◽  
The State ◽  
General Election ◽  
The People ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Approach

The aim of this paper is to analyze the regulation of general election of President and vice President in Indonesia. The method used is the normative juridical, with the history approach. Based on  results that the Election of President and Vice President in Indonesia changes from time to time, from the period 1945-1950 President and Vice President elected by PPKI by acclamation. The period 1950-1959 elected by agreement between the state of RIS and RI. After the 1959 period until now, the President and Vice President were elected by the people through general elections.

Political Culture and the Making of Tradition: A Comment

1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 249-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Gal
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Fundamental Values

For Decades, Scholars have claimed that “culture” is one important factor in shaping political processes. Individuals and groups hold fundamental values and expectations that contribute to the maintenance or collapse of democracy, nationalism, fascism, communism, and other political systems. Recently, however, the argument has been extended considerably: political culture and ritual, it is now claimed, are not simply the colorful, attitudinal, sometimes manipulative icing on the cake of the real interests and power relations that move history. More fundamentally, “interests,” “power,” “sovereignty,” the “people,” the “nation,” “tradition,” and even the “state” are being studied as ideological devices with logics, rhetorics, and effects specific to particular historical contexts. Political processes operate through such categories, which are culturally constructed and only appear to be unproblematic and self-evident.

scholarly journals IDENTITAS POLITIK KAUM BERSARUNG : RELASI THALIBAN DAN HUDA DALAM PROSES DAMAI ACEH

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-178
Author(s):  
Mahmuddin Mahmuddin
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Turmoil

This study discussed the involvement and the ideology of politics of Taliban, HUDA in the Aceh peace process. Since the emergence of the Rabithah Thaliban Aceh movement (which later briefed as RTA) on April 7, 1999, was inseparable from social and political turmoil when the issues of referendum developed widely in the community. The power built by Thaliban and HUDA has been able to bring considerable influence in the event of political accumulation when the issues of referendum and independence became a requisite for the process of resolving the Aceh conflict. The peace process realized in Aceh in 2004 by involving international parties to the realization of the peace agreement in Helsinki. Thaliban and HUDA again voiced and gave political ideas in the arena of social and political development in Aceh. The struggle was intensified when the wishes of the people were not the same as the needs of the State.

scholarly journals POLITICAL SYSTEM AS A CONDITION FOR DEVELOPMENT OF STATE AND LAW

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1803-1805
Author(s):  
Dimitar Spaseski
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
Strong Relationship ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
The Government

The state has a central place in the political system. Through its structure and positioning the country has the strength to be a unifier of society against its overall division of the various classes and layers, ethnic, cultural and other groups. The legitimacy of all these processes is given by laws that determine the trajectory of all processes and the conditions under which the processes take place. The state, by adopting the highest legal acts such as: the constitution and the laws, achieves one of its most important functions, which is the management of society. The state directs society to promote development, but also punishes and sanction infringements and mistakes. Depending on who exercises power in the state, i.e. whether it belongs to the people, to an individual or to a powerful group, the political system can be determined. The political system in itself includes the overall state relations, the relations in society and the guidelines for the conduct of the policy of the state. A state in which the government is elected by the people through direct elections certainly fulfills the basic requirement for the development of a stable civil society. The political system is one of the sub-systems of the entire civil society. The political system is specific in that all the activities and relations of which it is composed are directed to the state and its functions. The structure of the political system is composed of political and legal norms, political knowledge, political culture and political structure. These elements confirm the strong relationship between the state, the law and the political system. Developed democratic societies can talk about a developed political system that abounds with political culture and democracy. It is the aspiration of our life. Investing in democratic societies we invest in the future of our children. If we separate the subjects of the political system, we will determine that the people are the basis of the political system. All competencies intertwine around people. Political systems are largely dependent not only on the political processes that take place in them every day, but also on the economic performance and the economic power of the states. Economic stagnation or regression in some countries often threatens democracy and its values. We often forget that we cannot speak of the existence of a functioning and well-organized democratic political system without its strong economic support. In conditions of globalization, it is necessary to pay special attention to international positions as the main factor of the political system, for the simple reason that the functions of the state in this process are increasingly narrowing.

scholarly journals Institutional and political development of the Russian state in the context of the theory of A. Greif

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 324
Author(s):  
Dmitry N. Ermakov ◽  
Grigory G. Popov ◽  
Galina N. Kaninskaya ◽  
Victoria M. Marasanova
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Balance Of Interests ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Face ◽  
External Conditions

The purpose of this article is to test the concept of A. Greif for the operation of the principle of establishing a balance of interests in Russian society in the face of increasing external threats. The article reveals the significance of the Veche as an institution that reflected the desire to establish a balance of interests of elites in Russian society. The author traces changes in the significance of the traditions of self-government in Russian lands with the increase of military threats. The content of the balance of interests in medieval Russian society is determined. The problematic method of historical analysis is applied to the study of the political processes of medieval Russia, and the problem of narodopravstvo is brought to the fore. The conceptual idea of A. Greif is confirmed in Russian medieval history. Deviations from the rule deduced by A. Greif under certain external conditions lead society to crises. The authors point out that the easing of military pressure from the nomads on North-Eastern Russia (1408) allowed the Moscow princes to concentrate their efforts on fighting potential internal opposition and other branches of the Rurik dynasty that occupied the great tables, as well as against the Novgorod Republic, which embodied the ancient Slavic state order. In the course of this struggle, the balance of interests between strata of Russian society was disrupted, which eventually resulted in the establishment of a brutal serfdom and a reactionary form of centralized government - autocracy. In South-Western and North-Western Russia, such conditions did not develop, so the old Slavic order was preserved there for a long time, but, due to military and political reasons, the States in these regions did not manage to maintain independence.

scholarly journals EXECUTIVE/LEGISLATIVE RELATIONSHIP IN BAYELSA STATE UNDER GOVERNOR HENRY SERIAKE DICKSON’S ADMINISTRATION: ISSUES AND CHALLENGES

2015 ◽  
pp. 318-329
Author(s):  
Okoko Sinizibe ◽  
Frank Ogbomah ◽  
Kakatei Juanita
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Secondary Source ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Research Questions

The administration of any democratic state revolves around the three constitutionally recognized arms of government; the legislature, executive and the judiciary. Their relationship is very important for the actualization of the goals of the state. However, this relationship is more pronounced between the executive and the legislature as both appear to belong to political parties and are elected by the electorates. Executive/legislative relationship most times appears conflictual and in some cases cooperative. The study examines the executive/legislative relationship in Bayelsa State to determine the nature and the issues and challenges in their relationship during Henry Seriake Dickson administration. To achieve the objective of the study, two research questions were formulated to guide the study. System theory was used as framework for analysis. The study draws its arguments basically from secondary source hence content analysis research design was used to analyze the secondary data. The findings revealed that the executive dominated the legislature in their relationship under Henry Seriake Dickson’s administration which weakened the ability of the legislators to effectively perform their duties as the representatives of the people. It was also revealed that the unprofessional and inexperience of the legislators also affected their ability to effectively perform their duties which affected the social, economic and political development of the state. In the light of the above, the study recommends amongst others that the legislature should wake up to their responsibility as the watchdog of the executive and effectively monitor the activities of the executive in order to ensure good governance in Bayelsa State. More experienced people should be elected to the legislature to curtail the excesses and the continued dominance of the executive on the legislature and other institutions of government.

scholarly journals Arms Proliferation and Militancy in Rivers State, Nigeria: A Comparative Study of Amaechi and Wike’s Administrations

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Nweke ◽  
Eunice Etido-Inyang
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Sustainable Livelihood ◽  
The People ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Capital Development ◽  
Rivers State ◽  
Arms Proliferation

This research examined the nature of arms proliferation and militancy in the administrations of Governors Chibiuke Rotimi Amaechi and Ezenwo Nyesom Wike in Rivers State, Nigeria. The objectives were to determine the nature of arms proliferation and militancy in Rivers State in the two administrations. This research became necessary owing to the increasing rate of insecurity in Rivers State. The inability of security agencies to mitigate the security challenges confronting the State and the politicisation of the security of the State makes this research inevitable. Two key areas of concerns were discernable. First, the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the State has led to militancy of destructive proportion. Second, arms proliferation and militancy have undermined socio-economic and political development of the people of the State. The security challenges arising, therefore, have created an inhabitable state triggered by fear, intimidation, armed robbery, assassinations, cultism, kidnapping for ransom, arms smuggling, political thuggery, electoral violence, intimidation and destruction of lives and property across the 23 local government areas of the State. The Frustration-Aggression theory and the Realist Theory were used to establish a correlation between arms proliferation and militancy, on one hand, and deprivation, marginalisation, environmental degradation and lack of physical and human capital development for sustainable livelihood of the people of Rivers State which triggered arms proliferation and militancy in the state, on the other hand. This study used descriptive research design to examine the nature and justification, through psychological approach of comparison, of arms proliferation and militancy in both Amaechi and Wike’s administrations. A trend analysis, through historical investigation, was also used to determine the nature of arms proliferation and militancy prior to Amaechi’s administration in 2007. Secondary data were mostly used. Through content analysis and review of relevant literature, this research observed that the upsurge of arms proliferation and militancy in Rivers State started as part of the agitation for resource control and self-determination of the Niger Delta people. Redistribution of arms to political thugs and cultists after the 2009 Federal Government’s Amnesty which has made elections in Rivers State nasty, bloody and brutal, and lives useless and short, instigated the new waves of arms proliferation and militancy in Rivers State under Amaechi and Wike’s administrations. This research concluded that unless there are conscious efforts by the State Actors to comprehensively mop-up of arms and ammunition in Rivers State and bring pepertrators of these heinous crimes to book, the search for peace, stability, and security of lives and property of Rivers State people and residents alike would be too far to realise.

Health, State Medicine, and Henry Ingersoll Bowditch The Radical Approach

2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Cumbler
Keyword(s):  
Clinical Medicine ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The State ◽  
Medical Society ◽  
Health State ◽  
The People ◽  
Medical Volunteer ◽  
New Vision ◽  
Understanding Of Illness ◽  
State Board

On September 15, 1869, Massachusetts governor Andrew appointed seven members to the state board of health. The men appointed to that board had a new vision of medicine and the roles of science and the state in protecting health. For these men, medicine should do more than just cure; it must also prevent illness. Their understanding of illness was expansive, and it led them to a concern about filth and pollution. They also came to believe that for science and medicine to perform their new role in society, they needed the backing and power of the state. On September 22, the board met for the first time, electing George Derby as secretary and Henry Ingersoll Bowditch as chair. Bowditch was a logical choice for chair. In addition to being one of the region’s leading doctors, he came from a respected Boston family, and he held the professorship of clinical medicine at Harvard School of Medicine. He was vice president of the American Medical Association (later he would be president) and the author of several scientificjournal articles. Bowditch served as a medical volunteer to the Union army and lost a son in battle. Moreover, it had been his idea to form a state board of health. In a speech before the Massachusetts Medical Society in 1862, Bowditch argued that medicine should serve the people. To do so required the creation of a state board of health, “one that eventually will be of more service . . . to the inhabitants of this state . . . by [its] united and persistent efforts to increase the state authority.” Bowditch was not the only one to advocate for a state board. Dr. Edward Jarvis, a well known sanitary reformer, had as well, and along with Bowditch, he pushed the idea, only to have it fail in the legislative house in April of 1866 as “inexpedient,” despite Governor Andrew’s endorsement. Three years later, a typhoid epidemic in western Massachusetts encouraged state representatives from the Connecticut River Valley and farther west to back a bill for a state board.

The role of Tambov Governorate territorial chiefs in the political life of the country

2019 ◽  
pp. 186-192
Author(s):  
Natalya Buzanova
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Control ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Governmental Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
Positive Effect

July 12, 1889 Alexander III approved the draft law according to which “Regulations on territorial chiefs” was published. As of 1913, county congresses and governorate presences and territorial chiefs were introduced in forty-three governorates of European Russia, including the Tambov Governorate. The need for a new body of state control was due to the lack of a strong governmental power close to the people. The autocracy introduced this institute with the aim of restoring the landlords’ power over the peasant world, lost as a result of serfdom abolition in 1861. The powers of territorial chiefs were extensive: administrative, judicial, oversight, including control over the activities of peasant rural and volost institutions. However, over time, the functions of territorial chiefs were changed in comparison with what was originally written in the Regulation. We focus on issue of territorial chiefs participation in the political sphere of the state. The main sources for this research were data from the State archive of the Tambov Region. The government gave territorial chiefs the control of the peasant’s life from all sides, but due to circumstances, they were also drawn into the political processes of the state, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. We show that territorial chiefs were obedient executors of government policy, which was carried out in the counties, which was not at all provided for in their main functions. We investigate territorial chiefs’ role in the work of the State Duma. Thus, in the presence of different functions directions, we could hardly expect a positive effect from the institute as a whole.

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