Participation of Cities in the EU Integration Processes

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
E. Dovbysh

Local authorities have to deal with a large part of practical work in promotion of the European integration project. Today, cities together with other actors are involved in the EU political process. This involvement leads to modification and enrichment of the European political space and increases the viability of supranational institutions. Cities extend the range of available channels for representation of citizens’ interests. Participation of cities in the decision-making improves the quality of these decisions and the legitimacy of supranational institutions, which is especially important in the context of the debate on the democratic deficit in the EU. Cities and other subnational actors can be active at the pan-European level and national levels. They use different "access points" at the European level, such as the Committee of the Regions, the European associations of cities, representations of local authorities in Brussels. The role of cities is especially evident in the Europe 2020, Cohesion Policy and the European Neighborhood Policy. European cities are involved in the elaboration of national reform programs. Cities and their associations can offer their assessments and visions of development to the Commission. Participating in the elaboration of national reform programs cities get a chance to influence the agenda of national development. This can indirectly affect the implementation of the Europe 2020 and dynamics of the European integration process as a whole. The participation of subnational actors – regions and municipalities – is important for realization of the Cohesion Policy objectives. Cities are particularly relevant for this policy, because they can become a ground for social conflicts and unrest. New tools, such as JESSICA and Integrated Territorial Investment, pay significant attention to local level politics in Europe. The European Neighborhood Policy has an important local dimension. There are such city-oriented programs as COMUS, The Covenant of Mayors, CIUDAD and projects of cross-border coordination. Examples show that cooperation between cities is successful, if it is based on the mutual interest in solving common problems. The Treaty of Lisbon has opened new opportunities to cities' participation. European institutions are now obliged to consult with the Committee of Regions on the issues that have a strong effect at the local and regional level. However, the involvement of cities into integration practices of the EU is still limited. This is due to both, the fundamental problem of the EU organizational design, and the lack of effective channels for representing urban interests at the European level.

Author(s):  
Katrin Voltmer ◽  
Christiane Eilders

This chapter investigates whether the assumption that the media contribute to the communication deficit of the EU is reflected in the empirical pattern of political coverage. In particular, it explores the extent to which German media take a Europeanized perspective on political affairs and whether or not they promote the politics of European integration. The study is based on a content analysis of the editorials of German national quality newspapers covering the period between 1994 and 1998. The findings show that the media under study devote only a very small portion of their attention to European issues, thus marginalizing Europe to an extent that is not warranted by the significance of the European level of governance. If the media do focus on European issues, they predominantly address them in terms of national politics, which is interpreted as a ‘domestication’ of Europe in public discourse. At the same time, the media unanimously support the idea of European integration. This pattern of communicating Europe reflects the élite consensus on European matters in Germany and may have contributed to the alienation of the general public from European politics.


Author(s):  
Tapio Raunio

This chapter examines the relationship between European integration and democracy. The continuous transfer of policy-making powers from European Union (EU) member states to the European level has raised serious concerns about democratic legitimacy. The chapter assesses the claims that European integration undermines national democracy, and that decision-making at the EU level is not sufficiently democratic. It argues that while significant challenges remain, European integration has definitely become more democratic over the years. But there is perhaps a trade-off, with stronger input legitimacy potentially an obstacle to efficient European-level decision-making. It also underlines the multilevel nature of the EU polity and the importance of public debates about European integration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 5799
Author(s):  
Adriana Nishimura ◽  
Ana Moreira ◽  
Manuel Au-Yong-Oliveira ◽  
Maria José Sousa

The European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) are the main instrument of the European Union (EU) Cohesion Policy to promote convergence, economic growth and reduce imbalances between EU members. The objectives of the 2014–2020 programming period follow the agenda of the Europe 2020 Strategy to promote smart, sustainable and inclusive growth of EU members. Since before joining the EU, in 1986, until the end of the Portugal 2020 Partnership Agreement (PT2020), Portugal will have received more than EUR 130 billion. Have the subsidies that Portugal has received been well applied? Our study fills a gap in the literature by portraying citizens’ perceptions about the effectiveness of EU funds for the development of the country and its regions. The study is quantitative in nature, and a non-probabilistic sample of 1119 participants answered our survey. A high proportion (76%) of the respondents considered that EU funds contributed to the development of the region where they live, although a significant percentage of the respondents (more than half) considered that there may be corruption in Portugal. The Portuguese also mentioned the existence of practices such as favouritism and lobbying regarding the approval of projects. Our findings are supported by the literature, which refers to “lost opportunities” in the inefficient application of ESIF, while recognising that EU funds have played a significant role in Portugal’s development over the last three decades.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 84-91
Author(s):  
Natalia Kondratieva ◽  

Based on the review of regulations and press releases of EU institutions, the content of changes in the cohesion policy in 2021–2027 was revealed in comparison with the period 2014– 2020. The conclusion is made about the preservation of a significant role of the cohesion policy in the EU’s activities and high volume of its allocations from the EU Budget. The author sees an element of novelty in the synthesis of well-known methods and principles of supranational regulation of the socio-economic development of the EU territories – the budget method, the principle of financial conditionality and the open method of coordination. Particular attention is paid to the decision to reorient a third of the allocations of European regional policy funds for programs of transition to a circular and climate-neutral economy in 2021–2027. The explanation of such strong link between the goals of regional policy and the ecological and climatic goals of the EU is proposed. Namely, the success of the «Europe 2020» Strategy only in terms of climate benchmarks, according to the author, gives to the official Brussels a reason to see the potential to increase the effectiveness of regional policy.


Author(s):  
Daniel Mertens ◽  
Matthias Thiemann ◽  
Peter Volberding

This chapter introduces the puzzle of expanding national development banking in times of market-liberal EU integration. It presents the variegated landscape of national development banks in European Member States and their linkages to supranational institutions and programmes and builds a theoretical framework around field theory and historical-institutionalist European political economy to capture the evolution of development banking in the EU. The chapter argues that the current appearance of development banking in the EU is conditioned by constraints and guidance stemming from the integration process and the specific insertion of Member States in the European political economy. Importantly, it rests on a market-supporting, “promotional” understanding of development banks’ tasks that has consequences for contemporary debates over industrial policy and public investment in the European Union


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Helen Wallace

· Changing rationales for European integration. The initial rationales for integration seem less cogent and less resonant. Are they still at the core of the ‘project’? Which newer rationales need to be taken into account? Because of their cogency? Because of their resonance? · Facing up to both internal and external challenges: a huge agenda across political, economic, societal, and security concerns. · Differing narratives. Growth of Euroscepticism and Eurocriticism, though in differing manifestations. How far do these phenomena reflect transversal European factors? How far are they the product of different country characteristics and cultures? Is there a space to construct a shared European narrative? How does the new ‘Conference on the Future of Europe’ fit into this set of issues? · Diverse needs and aspirations. From 6 to 27(8) members with a variety of features political, economic, and societal—and geographic. Is differentiated integration the way forward or are other approaches needed to strike an accepted balance between the country level and the European level of practice? The old discussion of subsidiarity seems no longer to offer potential solutions. The capability to absorb yet more member states is contested. · Can political, economic, and societal concerns be aligned? Initial successes of the EC were very much tied to clever ways in which these different concerns were taken into the process. Can a successor version of pluri-dimensional integration be achieved based on diffuse reciprocity—cross-temporal and cross-sectoral? Or will the EU shift towards a more fragmented version of specific reciprocity based on sector by sector cost–benefit analyses?


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-150
Author(s):  
Petr Oskolkov ◽  

The article is focused on the structure and ideology of the European Free Alliance. The research aims at identifying resources and possibilities of the institutionalized transregional and supraregional cooperation of ethnoregionalist parties at the European level. The research was conducted predominantly in the paradigm of structural functionalism, while employing the methods of institutional analysis, QDA (exemplified by program documents and key actors’ rhetoric), network analysis (based on the data of the EU databases). The research resulted in the following conclusions. The EFA has not succeeded in becoming an entirely representative europarty for the respective party family, due to deep discrepancies between ethnoregionalist parties in the domain of ideology, goals, attitude towards European integration, and domestic political opportunities. The attempts to create an integrative ideological platform based on “creative eurofederalism” and “progressive nationalism” may hardly be called successful. Besides, big ethnoregionalist parties prefer to cooperate with bigger and more influential europarties and political groups of the European Parliament. However, in the EP-2019, “Greens-EFA” political group improved its position, even in spite of Brexit. This happened not because of the EFA achievements, but because of the growth in representation of the European Green Party. Though influence and capacities of the European Free Alliance are lower than those of other europarties, it has a significant symbolic meaning as a structure unifying different ethnoregionalist actors.


Author(s):  
I. Kravtsiv ◽  
S. Tkach ◽  
I. Urban

The article investigates the development of marketing of rural areas of the border region in which the main socio-economic and integration processes affecting the functioning of the rural economy are taking place. Priority attention is paid to actualization of marketing issues in the activities of local self-government bodies of rural communities of Ukraine in the context of the new challenges of European integration. The main components of the marketing system of the rural areas of the frontier region are outlined, which should be focused in the process of adaptation of the institutional environment of Ukraine to the institutional standards of the EU: social and economic potential of the rural territory, contractors (subjects of economic activity), markets (agrarian, financial, labor resources, etc.), intermediaries (public authorities and local self-government, educational institutions and scientific institutions, public organizations, etc.), competitors (rural areas of other regions gions, including neighboring border regions of the EU member states) and contact points (potential investors, media, political parties and movements, etc.). The specifics of the formation and development of the marketing system of the rural territories of the border region are investigated. In particular, based on the application of the cluster analysis method, four main types of rural areas in the Lviv Oblast (clusters) were identified, for each of them there is an own model of optimal development of the marketing system: a cluster of high investment attractiveness; satellite-transit cluster; agrarian cluster; conditional peripheral cluster. It was revealed that the main problems that restrict the development of marketing of rural areas in each of the four types of clusters mentioned above, as in the Lviv region, as well as in other border regions of the EU with the regions of Ukraine, are: low level of financial capacity of local self-government bodies of rural communities, The number is due to the small number of their population, small-scale agricultural production, which is carried out mainly in private peasant farms, as well as the presence of a number of socio-psychological problems caused by poverty of the rural population, its social apathy and pessimism. The key barriers to be addressed include: under-financing of the rural marketing sector as a whole and the lack of attention given to its development by the heads of local government bodies of rural communities; low quality of human and social capital of the village, generated by the outflow of skilled personnel in the city and abroad; the lack of modern marketing, transport and logistics and engineering infrastructure, which complicates the formation of a positive image of rural areas and the attraction of foreign capital and investment resources in their development; demotivation of business entities for the introduction of innovations and establishing mutually beneficial cooperation with territorial communities, which makes it impossible to effectively implement public-private partnership projects at the local level.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Huggins

One of the features of local-level Europeanization has been the emergence of transnational networking (TN) undertaken by subnational authorities (SNAs). This activity, which received much attention during the 1990s, enables SNAs to take advantage of the opportunities created by European integration. However, empirical analyses of TN are lacking, despite European integration and the wider context SNAs find themselves within evolving. Consequently, little remains understood about how SNAs engage in TN and how they are affected by Europeanization pressures. Using the case of TN undertaken by SNAs in South East England and Northern France, this article finds that Europeanization has created more opportunities for SNAs to engage at the European level. SNAs have, in turn, taken advantage of these opportunities, leading to increased participation in TN. However, SNAs’ approaches to TN are not uniform. Engagement remains marked by differentiation as local-level factors, such as local strategy and political objectives, affect how SNAs participate in TN. This differentiation is likely to become increasingly marked as SNAs respond to contemporary challenges, such as budgetary pressures and, in the case of South East England, Brexit.


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