scholarly journals The perception of the basic state laws by the Constitutional Democrats during the work of the first State Duma: the ideas of Vasily Maklakov

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Elena L. Saraeva

The article gives an interpretation of the ideas of the liberal politician Vasily Maklakov on the Basic State Laws of 1906. He assessed these laws as the Russian Constitution of 1906. Vasily Maklakov gave an interpretation of the relationship between the Constitutional Democrats and the government in connection with the restriction of the rights of the State Duma. The novelty of the research lies in the analysis of the perception by the Constitutional Democrats of the Basic Russian Laws as amended on April 23, 1906. Sources on the topic include the texts of the leaders of the K-D Party – the memoirs of Vasily Maklakov and Pavel Milyukov, Maxim Vinaver, as well as the Basic State Laws of 1906, materials of the III Congress of the K-D Party. The article reveals the political views of Vasily Maklakov, characterises his communicative culture, the views of the lawyer about the reasons for the illegal actions of the Constitutional Democrats in the First State Duma, the origins of their conflict with the government. An analysis of Vasily Maklakov's ideas about the degree of constitutionality of the government's steps towards the Duma in 1906 is given, his judgements about autocracy, law and order, the need to form a parliamentary culture of deputies are revealed. It is proved that Vasily Maklakov criticised the tactics of the Constitutional Democrats s in the First State Duma in the context of the idea of legality. He saw the main mistake of his fellow party members in their ignoring of a number of legal norms prescribed in the Basic Laws.

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.


Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 195-200
Author(s):  
Fyodor A. Gayda

 The article is devoted to conservative projects of reforming the State Duma, which was established in Russia in 1906. Those projects can be divided into two groups. Some projects were proposed by Russian nationalists (M.O. Menshikov, I.P. Balashov), who supported Stolypin and claimed to be one of the two main forces of the parliamentary majority. Nationalists sought to preserve the legislative powers of the Duma and stressed that the reform was supposed to strengthen parliamentarism. The projects of the nationalists proposed only partial adjustments to the parliamentary system, but still changing the Basic State Laws (in other words the coup d’état). The government did not support this path. The other projects were initiated by right-wing conservatives (L.A. Tikhomirov, K.N. Paskhalov, prince V.P. Meshchersky). Right-wing conservatives proposed turning the Duma into a legislative institution. This completely changed the political configuration and eliminated the “The Third of June” system. Both nationalist and right-wing projects were rejected by the government, albeit for different reasons: either due to their indeterminate character (nationalist projects) or due to their radicalism (right-wing projects). The ministers invariably considered the reorganization of the Duma more difficult than finding ways to cooperate with it.


1981 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Leonard

The relationship between business and politics in preindustrial societies has seldom been clear from historical records. I have argued elsewhere that the major banking firms of Mughal India were central to the imperial system. These ‘great firms’ were not parasites, passively supportive of the state because it preserved the law and order necessary for trade; they were not self-contained caste communities interacting with the government through the leaders of panchayats or guilds. Their functions were as important to the government as those of its official treasurers, and their desertion of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century helped bring about its collapse.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-594
Author(s):  
Daniel Walther ◽  
Johan Hellström ◽  
Torbjörn Bergman

Governmentinstability(cabinet duration) is an important feature of parliamentary democracy. Over time, the research on cabinet duration has improved in technical and theoretical sophistication. However, we note that little attention has been paid to the relationship between governments and the state itself. Our main hypothesis is that state capacity, e.g., factors such as state bureaucratic effectiveness and law and order, shape how easy it is for governments to implement the new policy and thus how well they can achieve policy objectives. We also argue that when state capacity is low, the ability to adequately respond to external shocks goes down, and instability increases. When testing this empirically we find that low state capacity does indeed help us predict an increased risk for early termination—in particular, whether the government ends through a replacement (but not by an early election). Using interaction effects, we also demonstrate that the effect of external shocks, such as an increase in unemployment, is conditional on state capacity. An increase in unemployment only has a significant effect on cabinet stability when state capacity is low, suggesting that the cabinet’s (in)ability to address the economic problems is an important factor for understating cabinet durability.


Author(s):  
Ayrat Halitovich Tuhvatullin ◽  
Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn ◽  
Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin ◽  
Alina Petrovna Sultanova

The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fathul Hamdani ◽  
Ana Fauzia

The implementation of these simultaneous regional elections is certainly a separate discourse that is interesting to be learned, especially concerning the enforcement of democracy and human rights. The main objectives of this research focus on the analysis related to the relationship between democracy and human rights, the fundamental dignity of democracy and human rights after the implementation of the regional leader’s elections in 2020, and also the government’s responsibility in case of an increase in cases of Covid-19 resulting from the implementation of simultaneous regional elections. In this research, the method used is normative juridical using statutory, conceptual, and historical approaches. The research results centered on a conception of democracy and human rights as a conception of humanity born from the history of human civilization. This conception of human rights and democracy in its development is significantly related to the conception of state law. Thus, the existence of Indonesia as a legal state places the law as a hierarchicalunity of the legal norms that culminate in the constitution, and the constitution has clearly and clearly stated in Article 28I paragraph (4) of the Constitution that: “The protection, promotion, enforcement, and fulfillment of human rights is the responsibility of the state, especially the government." Therefore, the state is responsible for ensuring the enforcement of the human rights of citizens, especially after the implementation of the 2020 regional leader elections (hereinafter as pilkada) amid the Covid-19 pandemic era.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Mateusz Kępa

The purpose of this article is to describe the relationship between parliamentarism and the social teaching of the Catholic Church, with a special emphasis on pastoral, social and political activities of cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha. The system of parliamentary government is a system of government in which the legislative authority in the form of parliament passes laws and controls the executive authority, which is wielded by the president together with the government. An important aspect of this system of government is the interpenetration of these two authorities and their mutual complementing, which is evident even in the possibility of bringing forward bills by the executive. The view of the parliamentary system held by cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha was based on the social attitude which was represented by the Christian Democrats. The political system accepted by the Christian Democrats was democracy, which very clearly demonstrates all positive forms of local government’s actions and the principle of subsidiarity. The basis of this assumption is that it is on the lowest levels of society where the common good based on social solidarity can be realized. The Archbishop of Krakow perceived the political, social and economic issues through the prism of the Catholic Church. He believed that the task of the state is to protect society against the moral decay of anti-Christian totalitarian systems. According to Sapieha, the state should act as a servant in relation to the nation. The Metropolitan claimed also that the vision of the relationship between social ranks, contrary to the socialist vision, was not burdened with a conflict. Sapieha saw the danger of drastic social inequality, but definitely spoke out against socialist and communist solutions. The cardinal emphasized the accent which should be laid on the development of all forms of civic government. So the ideal state is a decentralized state, in which citizens, due to rights and activities taken up by themselves, have an influence over the governments. According to Sapieha, a democratic state of law should respect political pluralism based on the principle of subsidiarity and justice, as well as sovereignty, and above all – the principle of parliamentary majority.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Mahathir Muhammad Iqbal

<p class="IIABSBARU">This research is an effort to find the relevance of the relationship between religion and the state are ideal. Because the formalization of Islamic shariah issue in political discourse is an interesting study in the relation between religion and state. By using the library approach, this article analyzes the involvement of the state in regulating citizens to implement Islamic shariah in Indonesia. Neutrality of the state to be the key in finding the relationship of both. Theoretically, this study provides an explanation that neutrality is not only understood as a state of devotion to give the rights of citizens to pray by faith, but also to limit citizens. For the implementation of shariah will be established and run well, when the state has a neutrality. So the state does not attract Islamic shariah becomes an official policy or state laws (shariah formalization). So also a Muslim can bring religion into the political circle, but only in the level of political ethics.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Penelitian ini merupakan ikhtiar untuk menemukan relevansi hubungan agama dan negara yang ideal. Sebab Isu formalisasi syariat Islam dalam politik menjadi kajian menarik dalam wacana relasi agama dan negara. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan pustaka, artikel ini menganalisis keterlibatan negara dalam mengatur warga negara untuk mengimplementasikan syariat Islam di Indonesia. Adanya netralitas negara menjadi kunci dalam menemukan relasi keduanya. Secara teoritis, studi ini memberikan penjelasan bahwa netralitas tidak hanya dipahami sebagai pengabdian negara untuk memberikan hak-hak warga negara untuk berdoa berdasarkan iman, tetapi juga untuk membatasi warga negara. Sebab dalam pelaksanaan syariat akan dapat mapan dan berjalan dengan baik, manakala negara memiliki netralitas. Sehingga negara tidak menarik syariat Islam menjadi sebuah kebijakan resmi atau peraturan negara (formalisasi syariat). Dengan begitu seorang Muslim dapat membawa agama ke dalam lingkaran politik, tetapi hanya dalam tingkat etika politik.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.


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