scholarly journals Muslim Minority in Myanmar: A Case Study of Myanmar Government and Rohingya Muslims

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Ismail Suardi Wekke ◽  
Hasbi Hasbi ◽  
M Mawardin ◽  
Suyatno Ladiqi ◽  
Mohd Afandi Salleh
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Citizenship Rights ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
International Attention ◽  
The Government

<p>The discrimination suffered by Rohingya Muslims is increasingly blewed up in media in last decade. The peak of the discriminatory treatment against Rohingya Muslim by Myanmar government is the unavailability of shelter from Myanmar government. In the perspective of international law, Myanmar government's actions constitute a serious violence, because it ignores the rights of its citizens. Even a series of massacres and inhumane treatment became a major offense committed by Myanmar government in terms of humanity. This attracted international attention in solving the problem. This article illustrated the fate of Rohingyas who are not given citizenship rights by Myanmar government. It also revealed the irony of Muslims of Rohingya life who are discriminated by the government of Myanmar, both in the practical as well as in the political context.</p><p>Diskriminasi yang diderita oleh Muslim Rohingya semakin mengemuka di media dalam dekade terakhir. Puncak perlakuan diskriminatif terhadap Muslim Rohingya adalah tidak tersedianya tempat tinggal dari pemerintah Myanmar. Dalam perspektif hukum internasional, tindakan pemerintah Myanmar ini merupakan bentuk kekerasan yang serius, karena mengabaikan hak warganya. Selain itu serangkaian pembantaian dan perlakuan tidak manusiawi menjadi pelanggaran besar yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Myanmar dalam hal kemanusiaan. Hal ini menarik perhatian dunia internasional dalam upaya memberikan solusi atas permasalahan-permasalahan tersebut. Artikel ini selain menggambarkan nasib warga Rohingya yang tidak diberikan hak kewarganegaraan oleh pemerintah Myanmar, juga mengungkap ironi Muslim dari kehidupan Rohingya yang didiskriminasi oleh pemerintah Myanmar, baik dalam praktik maupun dalam konteks politik.</p>

scholarly journals Kidnappings by the ’Ndrangheta: characteristics, institutional countermeasures and turning points

Modern Italy ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Cristina Barbieri ◽  
Vittorio Mete
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Value ◽  
Final Cohort

This article examines kidnappings for ransom by the ’Ndrangheta in Italy from the more measured perspective that the passage of time allows. To investigate the importance and characteristics of this phenomenon, we analyse a new database compiled from various sources. We put forward an explanation of the way that the kidnapping era ended that derives both from statistical analysis of the 654 instances surveyed and from a case study (the abduction of Cesare Casella). Within this analysis, we award significant weight to the changing political context and to two particular factors: the crime's politicisation under new electoral pressure, and the behaviour of law enforcement agencies. The two factors often regarded as the principal explanations for the end of kidnapping, legislation on the freezing of assets and the appeal of the drugs trade, are treated here as simply aspects of the overall picture. The disappearance of this criminal practice seems to have followed a hiatus in relationships and a reciprocal show of strength. Although the repertoire of state threats, notably military action and prison sentences, was substantial, the political value of victims’ lives and the weakness of the government were powerful weapons for the final cohort of kidnappers.

scholarly journals The Effect of Islamic Revolution on the Muslim’s Intellectual Schools Case Study of Libya and Tunisia

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jaseb Nikfar ◽  
Ali Mohammadi ◽  
Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi ◽  
Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Analytic Method ◽  
Islamic Revolution ◽  
General Direction ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Values

Nowadays the discussion of intellectual schools in the world, especially in the north of Africa is very important for the political analysts. The intellectual roots that existed in these regions from the beginning of independence were more toward the Islam. These roots mostly revealed themselves after the victory of Islamic revolution. The formation of Iran’s Islamic revolution on the top of west and east blocks’ mutuality was a paradigm of general direction of religions and Islamic values for forming the government. This article uses description- analytic method to investigate the effects of Islamic revolution on the Muslim’s intellectual schools in the north of Africa. Two main questions are How and in what direction has the Islamic revolution happening affected the Muslim’s intellectual schools in Libya and Tunisia? Findings of the research shows that with regards to the Muslim’s intellectual backgrounds that before the Islamic revolution existed, in these countries Islamic revolution caused the reinforcement and doubled motivation for these groups. But, yet the reinforcement of the activity of these groups caused their mutuality with the government and increase of violence and insecurity.

Shintō Shrines and Secularism in Modern Japan, 1890–1945

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Karli Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Secular Institution ◽  
The Government ◽  
Academic Discourses

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.

‘Targeted killing’ and the lack of acquiescence

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 741-757
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Schweiger
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Knowledge Production ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Targeted Killing ◽  
Customary International Law ◽  
Jus Ad Bellum ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Tacit Consent ◽  
The Right

AbstractOver the last decade, the concept targeted killing has received much attention in debates on the customary interpretation of the right to self-defence, particularly in the context of practices such as US armed drone attacks. In these debates, government silence has often been invoked as acquiescence to the jus ad bellum aspects of targeted killing. Focusing on the question of state silence on targeted killing practices by the Israeli and US governments in recent years, this article investigates over 900 UN Security Council and Human Rights Council debates and argues that there has been no tacit consent to targeted killing. The analysis firstly shows that the majority of states have condemned Israeli targeted killing practices and have raised concerns about armed drone attacks, while falling short of directly protesting against US practices. The article, secondly, applies the customary international law requirements for acquiescence and challenges the idea that silence on US armed drone attacks can be understood as a legal stance towards targeted killing. The article, finally, investigates the political context and engages with alternative interpretations of silence. Contextualizing acts of protest and lack of protest within an asymmetrical political context, the article posits that the invocation of silence as acquiescence in the case of targeted killing is problematic and risks complicity of legal knowledge production with the violence of hegemonic actors.

scholarly journals A CASE STUDY OF ISLAMIC DACWAH ACTIVITIES IN CORDILLERA ADMINISTRATIVE REGION, PHILIPPINES AMONG MUSLIM MINORITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-571
Author(s):  
Marlon Pontino Guleng ◽  
Razaleigh Muhamat Kawangit ◽  
Abur Hamdi Usman
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Quantitative Methodology ◽  
Muslim Society ◽  
Administrative Region ◽  
The Social ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level

Purpose of the Study: The curves of Islamic dacwah activities in the Philippines have faced ebbs and flows due to various internal and external constraints. In Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), lots of responses had been received by the Islamic organization from the local Muslim societies on the dacwah activities which require further reform in a way of diversifying the dacwah efforts in the whole region. This research aims of identifying the response of Muslim society towards the Islamic dacwah activities in the Philippines. Methodology: In this study, quantitative methodology research was applied and the data were analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) for Windows version 21 with a total number of 272 respondents. Main Findings: The results showed the responses towards the Islamic dacwah activities in a Muslim society (mean=3.71); Muslim family and friends (mean=3.51) were at high level. However, findings regarding the responses from the government (mean=3.13) and non-Muslim society (mean=3.15) were at moderate level. Implications: The findings are essential for Islamic da’wah organizations to redesign and formulate various dacwah programs in order to ensure better implication on the societies.

scholarly journals A Case Study on Facebook Data Theft in Indonesia

FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Rudi Natamiharja
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
International Law ◽  
Data Protection ◽  
Privacy Protection ◽  
Personal Data ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Warning Letter ◽  
Private Data ◽  
The Government

The rights to privacy as an individual fundamental right should be protected. Ironically, this right is deliberately delivered publicly in social media. And Facebook, the largest social media, keep more than 2.2 billion privacies data in the whole world. In early April 2018, one million personal data of Indonesian Facebook users was stolen by other parties. Mark Zuckerberg, as a founder and CEO, acknowledged that the Facebook data consisting of customer personal data had been stolen and used by other parties. It is one of the weaknesses and negligence of Facebook that needs to be addressed in the future. Indonesia government issued a warning letter to Facebook and required formal explanation concerning those recent cases. However, the Government's seriousness on the protection of personal data of its citizens is still questioned. How Indonesian regulations cover private data protection on their citizen and what steps should be taken to protect personal data in Indonesia? By using the International instrument and Indonesia legal instruments on the protection of privacy right, this article would give the answer what government Indonesian should do to undertake this situation. The research found that the regulation of privacy protection is sufficient yet the government has no determination to take account seriously on protecting the privacy right, and no sanction to the parties was involved. Socialization on the importance of personal data toward Indonesian society in Indonesia should be done, from the basic to the top level. Keyword: Right Privacy, International Law, Fundamental Rights

Irom Sharmila’s Struggle against Military Repression: A Critique

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181
Author(s):  
Nandita Haksar
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

This article argues that although Irom Sharmila’s 16-year-old fast from November 2000 to August 2016 has earned her the status of an icon of non-violent protest, yet she did not seek these appellations; her only aim was to put moral pressure on the government to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The article seeks to assess the efficacy of Irom Sharmila’s protest and how far it has helped or hindered in mobilizing public opinion against the Act. It propounds that the publicity around Irom Sharmila put her on a pedestal and trapped her in her own image, made invisible entire histories of sufferings of people in the northeast, including Manipur, and their struggles against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The gains of many struggles and efforts were wiped out of the collective memory of the nation and the only image of Manipur was this frail woman with a tube hanging from her nose. The article also argues that there is a kind of fetish in the way the media celebrates non-violence without reference to the political context.

scholarly journals Muslim Minority in Post-war Sri Lanka: A Case Study of Aluthgama and Digana Violences

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Mohamed Abdulla Mohamed Rameez ◽  
Aboobacker Rameez
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War

Sri Lanka saw an unprecedented degree of anti-Muslim sentiment followed by violence perpetrated by certain extremist elements in recent years. This article primarily examines the implications of anti-Muslim violence that occurred from Aluthgama to Digana and the causes behind the violence. The article shows that anti-Muslim sentiment is manifested in several dimensions: campaigns against Halal, Muslim attire, cattle slaughter, and attacks on mosques and Muslim-owned businesses. This manifestation has resulted in violence against Muslims, causing massive damages to their properties. The study argues that fear of growing Muslim population, economic competition with Muslims, Mahavamsa mentality, and exceptionalism to Buddhist clergies, fear of Islam, and formation of ethnic-based political parties are the causes of anti-Muslim sentiment which later culminated in the form of violence. Therefore, the government needs to enforce law and order equally on all citizens and ensure a policy of multiculturalism and tolerance is strictly maintained.

scholarly journals The Analysis of Coalition Parties´ Election Programme Fulfillment: Czech Case Study

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ondřej Kuba ◽  
Jan Stejskal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Input Data ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Statement ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Systems

In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.

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