Imperial Authority in Crisis: An Interpretation of the Coup D'état of 1861

1983 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke S. K. Kwong
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Second Development ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
The Subject

The significance of the coup d'état of 1861 in late-Ch'ing history has been appraised by many scholars. A fairly typical viewpoint has been expressed by the eminent Chinese historian Wu Hsiang-hsiang: ‘Had there not been the coup of 1861, there would not have been the coup of 1898.’ One need not entertain the same degree of determinism to acknowledge, with Wu, that the coup of 1861 was important in its effects on the exercise of imperial power in later decades. The coup did, in fact, not only provide the immediate circumstances which favored an unprecedented experiment with the Ch'ing imperial form, namely, a regency formed by the empresses-dowager, but it did also enable the famous (or infamous) empress-dowager, Tz'u-hsi, to secure her rise to a supremacy in court affairs which ended only with her death in 1908. In view of this second development, scholars have long argued that Tz'u-hsi was both the mastermind and chief beneficiary of the coup, which was the product of her intrigues and manipulations. In fact, it has been called her (Yehonala's) coup d'état. While this view will presently be examined, my main purpose here is to define the nature of the political crisis from which the coup of 1861, as well as the idea of the female regency, originated. This, I believe, is one aspect of the subject that has not been sufficiently investigated.

scholarly journals Clan hierarchy as the basis of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
North And South

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

scholarly journals Unnoticed Coup D’état

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Belousov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Law ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Question ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Separate Family ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the political crisis of the Interregnum. The central question of the article is examination of the reason why Nikolai, having received news of the death of Alexander, decided to swear allegiance to Konstantin. An analysis of historiography demonstrates that the most diametrical interpretations of this event are presented in the literature: Nikolai acted under pressure from M. A. Miloradovich and/or Maria Fedorovna, together with the Governor-General and/or Empress Mother. An important aspect of the work is the study of the normative component of the problem of succession. It is shown that by November 1825 a contradictory situation had developed: by law the heir was Konstantin, by family agreement — Nikolai. The article justifiably proves that the Manifesto of Alexander I on the transfer of the throne of Nicholas was a model of separate family law and was never supposed to be published. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the article reconstructs the course of meetings on November 25, describes the features of taking the oath on November 27, and reveals the development of the dynastic crisis arising from them. It is demonstrated that Nicholas had a complex plan to seize power, which implied unification with representatives of the generals and the highest bureaucracy, an oath in favor of Konstantin in violation of the established tradition, pressure on his older brother and, ultimately, the proclamation of emperor. The article presents the question of rumors spread in St. Petersburg society related to the secession of Poland and the hypothetical murder of Constantine.

Nekropolityka: Polityczny wymiar pogrzebów polskich pisarzy na przykładzie sprowadzenia do Polski prochów Juliusza Słowackiego w 1927 roku oraz Stanisława Ignacego Witkiewicza w 1988 roku

1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (297) ◽  
pp. 135-158
Author(s):  
Paweł Marek Mrowiński
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Funeral Ritual ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Stanislaw Ignacy Witkiewicz

The article is devoted to comparative analysis of two repatriations: bringing ashes of Juliusz Słowacki in 1927 and bringing remains of Stanisław Ignacy Witkiewicz in 1988. Both these events, being socio-political performances, fit into the broader concept of necropolitics, in which they are analyzed. The article compares the causes of the political nature of these ceremonies, their conduct, public reception and the effectiveness of counteracting the socio-political crisis, which was one of the main reasons for reaching for the funeral ritual by the rulers. The main purpose of the article, in addition to the comparative analysis of the above elements, is to emphasize the political dimension of mourning ceremonies, which can successfully be the subject of research in political science.

The Political Crisis of 2020–2021 in Mali

2021 ◽  
pp. 42-56
Author(s):  
Vasily Filippov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Tropical Africa ◽  
Strategic Development ◽  
Intense Competition ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Stability

The subject of consideration is the 2020 crisis in Mali. The events are viewed in the context of the geopolitical transformations taking place in West Africa. The purpose of the study is to find out the causes and consequences of military and political cataclysms that threaten the state integrity of Mali and the stability of the situation in Tropical Africa. The situation in Mali remains poorly known: it is not clear what forces will determine the vector of its political and military-strategic development. It is obvious that France is losing its influence in the region, which is largely due to the emergence of new actors in international relations here. This, in turn, allows Africans to diversify their foreign economic and political orientations. The author assumes that the named processes will provoke an intense competition for influence in the countries of Tropical Africa.

The constitutional troubles of Ọyọ in the eighteenth century

1971 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. C. Law
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Disputes

This paper examines the internal disputes which the Ọyọ kingdom suffered during the eighteenth century, and which had as their ultimate issue a coup d'état in ca. 1796 which is traditionally held to mark the beginning of the disintegration of the kingdom. The troubles began with a conflict within the capital of the kingdom, between the Alafin (king) and the Ọyọ Mesi, a group of non-royal chiefs led by the Baṣọrun, and the first phase of the troubles culminated in 1754 in a seizure of power by the Baṣọrun. It is suggested that this struggle between the Alafin and his chiefs had its origins in competition for control of the new sources of wealth derived from the expansion of the kingdom. In 1774 the Alafin overthrew the Baṣọrun and recovered power in the capital by calling in the assistance of the subject towns of the kingdom. It is argued that this action proved fatal to the Ọyọ kingdom, by involving the rulers of the provincial towns in the political disputes of the capital and revealing the military impotence of the divided capital. In ca. 1796 the provincial rulers intervened at the capital on the other side, assisting the Baṣọrun to overthrow the Alafin. But the coalition of dissident metropolitan chiefs and dissident provincial chiefs immediately broke up, and many of the latter began to disregard the divided capital and make themselves independent.

Institution of Impeachment (Juicio Político) in selected states of Latin America

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Joanna Składowska
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Attractive Alternative ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Control Character ◽  
Legal Character

The purpose of the article is to analyse the legal institution of juicio politico (impeachment) in the LatinAmerican presidential system, regarding the regulation adopted in Argentina, Brazil, Honduras and Paraguay. The hypothesis assumes that the impeachment in Latin America turns from the instrument of pure control character into the tool dedicated to resolve the political crisis by mean of “legislative coup d’état”. The author will search for the answers for the following questions: 1) what is the legal character of LatinAmerican impeachment? 2) what makes the impeachment more common in Latin America that in United States or European countries? 3) why does it become an attractive alternative for other methods to resolve political crises? The legal, institutional as well as the comparative method will be adopted in the article.

scholarly journals Conjuntura política e econômica no Brasil (1950-1964): terreno fértil para o Golpe de 1964 * Political and economic conjuncture in Brazil (1950-1964): a fertile land for the 1964 coup d'État

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
FABIANO FARIAS DE SOUZA
Keyword(s):  
Common Interest ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Enabling Environment ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Fertile Land

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Os anos que precederam o golpe de Estado em 1964 no Brasil foram marcados por momentos políticos turbulentos que contribuíram para a efetivação de articulações e conspirações que tramavam a derrubada do presidente João Goulart, visto como solução para o fim das crises econômicas, políticas e sociais que aconteciam sucessivamente no país. Nesse período, a sociedade se dividia entre as propostas da esquerda e da direita em vigor no debate político à época. Assim, analisaremos as circunstâncias que forjaram um ambiente favorável a civis e militares identificados que comungavam o interesse comum de substituição do poder vigente através da tomada do controle do Estado brasileiro.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Populismo – Polarização ideológica – Crise política.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> The years preceding the 1964 coup d’état in Brazil were marked by turbulent political moments that contributed to the accomplishment of joints and conspiracies that were plotting the overthrow of President João Goulart, seen as a solution to the end of the economic, political and social crises taking place successively in the country. In this period, society was divided between the proposals of the left and right of the political debate in effect at that time. Thus, we analyze the circumstances that forged an enabling environment for identified civil and military that communed common interest in replacing the ruling power by taking control of the Brazilian State.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Populism – Ideological polarization – Political crisis.</p>

Coup D’état in Three Acts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Orbach
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Active Duty ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Budget

This chapter examines the Taishō political crisis of 1912–1913. It first considers Home Minister Hara Kei's “positive policy” and the military budget dispute of autumn 1912 involving the army and navy before discussing the imperial ordinance known as the “rule of active duty ministry.” It then turns to Prime Minister Saionji Kinmochi's conflict with the army and his successor Katsura Tarō's dispute with the navy. It also explains how the “active duty rule” and the political tools it had generated turned the budgetary dispute of autumn 1912 into a government crisis, and finally, into a military coup d'état. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the ramifications of the Taishō political crisis for the future.

scholarly journals Aistheton in the time of socio-political crisis

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-190
Author(s):  
Nebojša Vilić
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Event ◽  
Bodily Experience ◽  
Concrete Situation ◽  
Jacques Ranciere ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject

The main attempt in this paper is to propose the understanding of the relations between aesthetics and the politics in the thought of Jacques Rancière as a theoretical instrument for implementation in a concrete situation of the protest. From here on, the protest is taken not only as a live social event, but, even more, as a bodily experience with the consequences and results that are occurring out of it. Starting from Rancière's position of the distribution of the sensible and the ways in which the muted subject has to attain his/her right of a speech, the paper deals with several topics across which one can conclude that only the corporeal presence during the protest itself enables the subject to sense the act sensibly. This is a rather different approach to the sensible understanding of the world and the experiences known as the relation between the art and the aesthetics, addressing the aistheton as a simultaneous carrier of denotation of the political. The case study used for this implementation is the so called Colourful Revolution and the "colouring" of the Macedonia Gate in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia.

scholarly journals Parliamentary Elections in Bulgaria and Moldova. Take 2

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-36
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Intermediate Result ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Masses

The subject of the article is repeat parliamentary elections in two countries by mere chance run on the same date. The external parallels of both election campaigns, such as the low turnout and the importance of voters from abroad, the continuing relevance of the agenda of toplevel corruption, the electoral failure of the socialists in both rounds are striking, and are scrutinized in the article. However, the outcomes of the campaigns are very different. In Bulgaria, even the second attempt to renew the government and the political class ended with an uncertain intermediate result, and its main triumphant Slavi Trifonov’s standing is far from looking encouraging. The success of the new counter-elite force and its leader is not promising to end the political crisis and is remindful of the previous scenarios already seen twice in Bulgaria: the unexpected rise of political psychics and the subsequent shift of sympathies to the next idol of the masses. In Moldova, the renovators succeeded in consolidating their grip on power and securing impressive credit of popular trust thus making a credible step towards implementation of their promises. It remains to keep track of who will be more successful.

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