scholarly journals A CONTINGÊNCIA DA POLÍTICA E A NECESSIDADE DA HIPOCRISIA EM O PRÍNCIPE DE MAQUIAVEL

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albano Pina

In his most famous work, Machiavelli showed how the prince is neverassessed by what he is, but according to what he appears to be. Therefore, thepolitician needs to act as a hypocrite, as a ‘great pretender and dissembler’, tomaintain the support of the people on which his power relies. However, hypocrisydoes not simply mean deception of the ruled by the rulers. Given the social divisionwhich underlies the state, it actually plays a fundamental role in the imaginaryconstitution of a sovereign power capable of imposing unity and stability oncollective life. Our aim is to question the use of hypocrisy in order to emphasize thedistinction introduced by Machiavelli between moral virtue and political ‘virtù’.Furthermore, we will try to demonstrate how it is presented as part of a broaderstrategy against the unpredictable effects of time, symbolized by the metaphor of‘Fortuna’.

2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 559-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anupama Rao

In Society Must Be Defended, Michel Foucault characterizes the permanent, conflictual relationship that exists “between the two groups that constitute the social body and shape the State [as] in fact one of … permanent warfare” (2003: 88). Foucault argues that acknowledging that “race wars” constitute the substructure of the state enables a new conception of power, one that is simultaneously implicated in knowledge regarding the source of that power: re-conceptualizing the bases of power also demands a shift in knowledge practices. This problem (of power/knowledge) was administrative/managerial from the start: it constituted the conditions of possibility for the exercise of sovereign power, and was itself sovereign-like. “The administration allows the king to rule the country at will, and subject to no restrictions. And conversely, the administration rules the king thanks to the quality and nature of the knowledge it forces upon him” (ibid.: 128–29). Foucault asserts that historical knowledge is produced at precisely this juncture, as a form of counter-knowledge that is the outgrowth of a race war or class war, in which the nobility seek to defend society—their society—from new challengers, “the people,” for example, as well as from the sovereign himself. Thus, modern history germinated as a form of knowledge against absolutist sovereign power, but it was grafted onto the edifice of the state to buttress the sovereign's threatened legitimacy. Thus, “From 1760 onward we see the emergence of institutions that were roughly the equivalent of a ministry of history” (2003: 130 ff).


Author(s):  
A. N. Ryahovskaya

As a result of the global financial and economic crisis, social problems have sharpened significantly. They affect the interest of the most population of the country. The efficiency of anti-recessionary measures and their productivity in the social field are analyzed in the article. According to the adjusted estimates of the RF Government, decrease in actual income of the people will continue and only by the end of 2012 a growth by only 3% to 2008 level is projected. The degree of elaboration and scientific justification of the state turnaround policy are getting special significance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 154-158
Author(s):  
VLADIMIR KSENOFONTOV ◽  

The article reveals the social and philosophical views of M.A. Bakunin on the genesis, essence and evolution of the state. At the same time, attention is focused on his interpretation of state power, which is a lack of justice and freedom for the people. The philosopher, in substantiating his point of view, gives a detailed analysis of the philosophical conceptual provisions on the state. M.A. Bakunin, being an anarcho-revolutionary in his philosophical views, substantiates the limited point of view on the issue of the state and its social role, the positions of the representatives of German social democracy and the views of supporters of Marxist philosophy. The article reveals the socio-philosophical positions of the Russian thinker on the issue of essential components that substantiate the need for the evolution of the state and its departure from the historical arena. At the same time, the main regulations that characterize the prospects for the development of the state and its withering away are revealed. Only a social revolution, according to M.A. Bakunin, can lead to the destruction of the state as an organ of violence, and bring the people freedom, equality and the use of social wealth. Purpose of the research: to reveal the social and philosophical positions of M.A. Bakunin on the genesis of the state, its essence and evolution. Conclusions: The state, according to the views of M.A. Bakunin, is in any form of violence against the people, and therefore it must be destroyed through a social revolution. The future structure of society, as an ideal, should be based on justice and freedom of the people, their self-organization.


2019 ◽  
pp. 46-73
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-216
Author(s):  
Michał Czuba

The main problem of this article is the possibility of using social entrepreneurship related to the provision of communal services to strengthen the sense of social security in people threatened by social exclusion. This problem is important because ensuring social security in a direct and indirect way is the task of the state. This task also ap-plies to people who are socially excluded or at risk of this phenomenon. Its implemen-tation may take place with the participation of social economy entities, supported by the state in a financial manner as well as through appropriate legislation in the scope of shaping the conditions for the development of the social economy. The aim of this study is to get to know the scope of social economy enterprises in the municipal services and their impact on people employed in this type of institutions, including the possibility of increasing the sense of social security of this people and confirming or denying that the majority of people working in this type social economy entities are people who are socially excluded or threatened with this phenomenon.


Social Change ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-187
Author(s):  
Meenakshi Gogoi

The Indian state has used the colonial Land Acquisition Act (LAA), 1894, for acquiring land even without the consent of the people in the name of ‘public purpose’ and on payment of compensation, until it got repealed by a new act, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisitions, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013. The LAA, 1894 is an expression of the notion of ‘eminent domain’ and draws its sustenance from the sovereignty of the state. The understanding of sovereignty and to what extent the sovereign power of the state can use the concept of ‘eminent domain’ in the context of land acquisition remains a contentious issue. This article attempts to examine the notion of sovereignty and use of ‘eminent domain’ in the context of land acquisition in India. How does the inter-relationship between sovereignty and ‘eminent domain’ be understood according to the LAA, 1894 and the Land Act, 2013 has been discussed.


Profanações ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 269
Author(s):  
Maria Do Socorro Catarina de Sousa Oliveira

Um dos temas de maior relevância abordado por Giorgio Agamben diz respeito ao estado de exceção como paradigma político, ou seja, o estado de exceção não se restringe aos Estados totalitários, mas a uma prática governamental que vem se propagando rapidamente, inclusive nas sociedades democráticas. Assim, o presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar, a partir de duas obras que compõem o Projeto Homo Sacer, a saber, Homo Sacer: o poder soberano e a vida nua I (2002), e Estado de Exceção: homo sacer II (2004), os principais elementos que formatam a teoria agambeniana do estado de exceção como paradigma de governo e como o delineamento de suas teses nos permite falar em “eclipse político”, o qual está concretizado na impotência do cidadão diante do poder soberano, a figura híbrida que tem a sua disposição não apenas a máquina governamental, mas o próprio ordenamento jurídico desvirtuado de seu objetivo original de proteção e segurança jurídica para um complexo e malicioso mecanismo de manutenção da “ordem social”. AbstractOne of the most relevant topics addressed by Giorgio Agamben is the state of exception as a political paradigm, that is, the state of exception is not restricted to totalitarian states, but to a government practice that is spreading rapidly, even in democratic societies. Thus, this article aims to analyze, from two works that make up the Homo Sacer Project, namely Homo Sacer: sovereign power and naked life I (2002), and State of Exception: homo sacer II (2004) ), the main elements that form the agambenian theory of the state of exception as a paradigm of government and how the delineation of its theses allows us to speak in "political eclipse", which is concretized in the impotence of the citizen before the sovereign power, the hybrid figure which has at its disposal not only the governmental machine, but the legal system itself distorted from its original objective of protection and legal security for a complex and malicious mechanism of maintenance of the "social order".


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
Maria I. Rosenko ◽  
◽  
Sergey A. Zaporozhets ◽  
Viktor A. Protsevskiy ◽  
◽  
...  

The article examines the problems of coordination and reflection of political preferences of social groups, the criteria for choosing the type of electoral system and its role in the formation of a legislative (representative) body of state power, advantages and disadvantages, possible consequences of the introduction of a two-party and multi-party system in small areas, it is noted that the ability of the state to change depends on its viability, adequacy of the social process, the ability to form a real unity of interests and goals of the state and the people.


Author(s):  
Okoko Sinizibe ◽  
Frank Ogbomah ◽  
Kakatei Juanita

The administration of any democratic state revolves around the three constitutionally recognized arms of government; the legislature, executive and the judiciary. Their relationship is very important for the actualization of the goals of the state. However, this relationship is more pronounced between the executive and the legislature as both appear to belong to political parties and are elected by the electorates. Executive/legislative relationship most times appears conflictual and in some cases cooperative. The study examines the executive/legislative relationship in Bayelsa State to determine the nature and the issues and challenges in their relationship during Henry Seriake Dickson administration. To achieve the objective of the study, two research questions were formulated to guide the study. System theory was used as framework for analysis. The study draws its arguments basically from secondary source hence content analysis research design was used to analyze the secondary data. The findings revealed that the executive dominated the legislature in their relationship under Henry Seriake Dickson’s administration which weakened the ability of the legislators to effectively perform their duties as the representatives of the people. It was also revealed that the unprofessional and inexperience of the legislators also affected their ability to effectively perform their duties which affected the social, economic and political development of the state. In the light of the above, the study recommends amongst others that the legislature should wake up to their responsibility as the watchdog of the executive and effectively monitor the activities of the executive in order to ensure good governance in Bayelsa State. More experienced people should be elected to the legislature to curtail the excesses and the continued dominance of the executive on the legislature and other institutions of government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Dadang Suprijatna

Human rights as a barometer of the law in its formation is to see from the social phenomena that grow and develop in society that gave birth to social contract. Society is understood as the unity of separate individuals who build a personal bond before the emergence of society itself. The state's form of responsibility to its people is to create opportunities for people to gain their rights, as a form of contribution to the people as legitimate owners. The State can no longer ignore any form of any popular will, it is a Right that must be protected and gained great influence from other societies, including the international community globally, which can ultimately affect and / or become a barometer of globalization. Globalization is portrayed as increasing interconnection and social interdependence, politics, economy, law and culture of society behavior, but globalization has also resulted in diminishing the virtue of nation state even an important phenomenon that can not be avoided by anyone, any nation and any country, including Society, nation and state of Indonesia. For that it is fitting for the people and the Indonesian nation to be wary of the growth and development of Globalization that can damage the Mission of Pancasila as the Reject Measure the life of nation and state.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document