Controlling political corruption in Italy : What did not work, what can be done

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-369
Author(s):  
Donatella Della Porta ◽  
Alberto Vannucci

The paper dealt with the control on political corruption in Italy, in particular with the reasons why most of the control mechanisms did not work for a long time, allowingfor the development of"tangentopoli". First of all, we  briefly discussed the reasons why the controls ''from below"--that is, from citizens or electors--did not function in Italy: the pervasive occupation of the administration and the civil society by the political parties, as well as "secret" agreements between political parties in order to avoid political scandals were discussed.The paper continued by analyzing two types of institutional control: the administrative controls and the judiciary controls. In the second part, we presented some main characteristics of the Italian public administration that hampered internal controls, the informal control of parties over the bureaucrats through clientelism and complicity in corruption being one among them. In the third part, we focused on the peculiar characteristics of a magistracy that enjoyed of a very high degree of format autonomy from the political power, but was "pushed" towards politics for reasons as different as complicity in corruption and the need to "substitute" for the weak policy making capacity of political parties. In the fourth part, we reviewed some (implemented of planned) reform bills to deal with the control of political corruption.

Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.


1915 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 145-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. W. Andrews

One of the most important additions recently made to the Gallery of Fossil Reptilia at the Natural History Museum, is a mounted skeleton of the highly specialized Ichthyosaur known as Ophthalmosaurus icenicus, Seeley. This reptile presents many. peculiarities, for the most part indicating a very high degree of adaptation for life in the open sea and for rapid movement through the water, probably sometimes at considerable depths. In fact, Ophthalmosaurus may be regarded as representing among the Reptilia the swiftly swimming toothed-whales among the Mammalia, and it is interesting to note that the similar mode of life in the two cases has produced in some respects similar modifications. Thus the front paddles are enlarged, the hind ones reduced; in whales the latter have disappeared altogether. Again, there was a large caudal fin, vertical in this case, and the head was elongated, the snout sharp, and the neck so short as to be practically non-existent. The enlargement of the fore-paddles is brought about by the presence of a very large pisiform bone, which together with the radius and ulna articulates with the humerus, thus forming a very broad base for the expanded terminal portion of the paddle. Another striking peculiarity is the great reduction of the dentition, the teeth in the adult being very small and confined to the front of the jaws. Baptanodon, an American form very closely allied to, if not identical with, Ophthalmosaurus, was for a long time regarded as toothless. This reduced dentition, so unlike what is usually found in members of the group, must indicate some considerable change in the nature of the food, but what this was is unknown.


Author(s):  
L.V. Chernyshova ◽  

The article discusses various approaches to the study of political and network image. With the advent of modern election campaigns, it has become clear that image is an inevitable part of a successful campaign. The political image as an object of research began to appear in political science, sociological and communication studies since the 50s of the twentieth century. The political image in modern conditions is becoming such an important factor, politicians who seek to gain power or keep it must be reckoned with it. In modern socio-political conditions and the reduction of ideological differences between political parties and their leaders, their image, through which their authority is reflected, is becoming an increasingly important factor determining the difference between candidates and political parties. For the modern voter, the political image becomes more important than the ideological positions of the candidate and the party. If political parties concentrate on the “average” voter and do not show serious ideological differences, differences in election programs, the image of a political leader becomes the most important factor. Voter confidence depends on image. It is important to determine the audience for whom the political image is being created. A traditional audience is one that has long followed a particular political unit or politics as a whole. The success of the political image and the candidate depends on strategic research, which, among other things, shows what the image of the candidates should be like in these elections. The political image should be aimed at creating voters' confidence in the political leader and developing confidence in the competence of the politician, in his ability to solve pressing problems of society. The political image serves simple purposes - to “win the hearts of citizens” and mobilize their electoral support. But it is not enough to form the image of the candidate, it must be conveyed to the voter without distortion. The modern world has long entered the digital age, where information is distributed through electronic media at a very high speed. Internet technologies for the formation of a political image are beginning to become increasingly important. In the last decade, this issue has become urgent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 171-180
Author(s):  
Radosław Grabowski ◽  
Ivan Halász

THE EVOLUTION OF THE HUNGARIAN MODEL OF JUDICIAL MANAGEMENT AND JUDICIAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN HUNGARY IN THE YEARS 1989–2019The Hungarian constitutional system after 1989 was initially subject to evolutionary changes. The previously binding constitution was only amended, although in most countries of the region the new constitutions created new system concepts. This also concerned the organisation of the judiciary, which in Hungary for a long time remained under the influence of the doctrine formed in the time of the socialist state. Significant corrections in this respect did not take place until 1997, but the solutions and institutions created at that time — including judicial self-government — survived for only slightly more than a decade. The political parties that came to power in 2010 adopted a new Basic Law and made far-reaching transformations in the field of symbolism, constitutional principles and the system of constitutional organs. Both the scope of the changes and the way they were carried out provoked resistance from various environments, including judges, whose influence on the organisation of the judiciary and its functioning was significantly reduced. The dispute that occurred was the subject of debate throughout Europe, and the institutions of the Council of Europe and the European Union were involved in resolving it.


Modern Italy ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta

Political corruption can be considered as a means by which money influences politics. In the classic studies the causes of corruption have usually been identified in the characteristics of the principal actor in the political system: the party. Samuel Huntington, in particular, has linked the development of corruption to party weakness during phases of growing political participation. Corruption spreads in those specific paths to modernization in which popular participation in political decision-making is not immediately accompanied by a strengthening of those institutions, such as political parties, which should filter and direct collective demands: ‘the weaker and less accepted the political parties, the greater the likelihood of corruption’.


Mathematics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 952
Author(s):  
Elena de la Poza ◽  
Lucas Jódar ◽  
Paloma Merello

Political corruption is a universal phenomenon. Even though it is a cross-country reality, its level of intensity and the manner of its effect vary worldwide. In Spain, the demonstrated political corruption cases that have been echoed by the media in recent years for their economic, judicial and social significance are merely the tip of the iceberg as regards a problem hidden by many interested parties, plus the shortage of the means to fight against it. This study models and quantifies the population at risk of committing political corruption in Spain by identifying and quantifying the drivers that explain political corruption. Having quantified the problem, the model allows changes to be made in parameters, as well as fiscal, economic and legal measures being simulated, to quantify and better understand their impact on Spanish citizenship. Our results suggest increasing women’s leadership positions to mitigate this problem, plus changes in the political Parties’ Law in Spain and increasing the judiciary system’s budget.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 21-63
Author(s):  
Patrick Wymeersch

The Traditional Royal Court Among the bin Kanyok of Zaire This description represents what was more or less an ideal conception of political organization and kingship before the colonial period. If the traditional systems of ruling still remain, the material symbolism of kingship disappeared mostly in the scene of daily life in the king’s large capital. Looking at the political organization, two seemingly contradictory features emerge. On the one hand, there are the politically quasi-independent lineages living in the villages. The chief or eldest of a lineage is at the same time chief of the whole village. On the other hand, there is the formal political organization, build on a hierarchical model and imposed from the top. This political system is notable for its very high degree of centralization, and especially for the strong authority and power of the divine king. For the purpose of government, the kingdom is divided into sub-districts, containing several villages of an area, districts and provinces. They all depend, in hierarchy,from the capital. The capital accommodates most of the members of the royal family, numerous wives and children from the king and the ministers. The king’s compound, standing in the middle of the capital, is surrounded by a fence. This compound is divided into four specific parts and contains several houses and the palace of the king. On both sides of the royal compound, there is a main street where the ministers and their families live. The king’s person is surrounded by a number of taboos. No one could see him eat in his private kitchen. The principal problem in the political organization is that of the administering the rest of the Kanyok empire, of keeping as a political unit a population divided into autonomous lineages. The model that is followed is, in general, typical of the kingdoms of the southern savanna belt of Zaire. Therefore the structure is pyramidal: the king at the apex delegates his power and authority to the governors. Their position duplicates that of the king, but on a smaller scale. The king is assisted by his ministers to whom he assigned highly specific functions. The king still remains the main focus for all the Bin Kanyok.


Politik ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein

Political theory has for a long time paid scant attention to the topic of political parties and partisanship. In recent times, however, there has emerged a body of theoretical research that seeks to draw attention to the place of parties and partisanship in a well-functioning polity. This article offers an overview of this research, discussing approaches that focus on partisanship as an associative practice, on the one hand, and approaches that focus on the party as an institution, on the other. The article argues that, while the two approaches no doubt usefully complement each other, concentrating on partisanship at the expense of party risks paying insufficient attention to the institutional structures that ultimately connect partisans to the state and allow them to exercise power. This is problematic insofar as it is especially the party as institution whose virtues are currently called into question. Given this, the article proposes to shift the emphasis in theoretical research from partisanship-centred theories to party-centred theories.


Author(s):  
Nataliia Korchak ◽  
Yaroslav Korchak

The purpose of the article is to comprehensively study political corruption as a phenomenon of social life in terms of legal aspects of its prevention and counteraction. The content of the publication is determined by the specifics of the subject of research and reflects the interdisciplinary approach to the disclosure of the topic. The article presents a comprehensive study of political, managerial and legal aspects of understanding political corruption. Emphasis is placed on the essence (nature) of political corruption as a phenomenon of the political process, and therefore - on the lack of a common conceptual understanding of the concept of "political corruption". It is emphasized that the concepts of "corruption" and "political corruption" are not identical in content or legal characteristics. The political aspect of corruption is an insufficient basis for extending the legal signs of corruption to actions that have signs of political corruption. It is argued that the task of legal science is to identify the causes, establish the preconditions and find the most effective measures to prevent and specify the means of combating political corruption. It is established that, unlike corrupt acts, types of behavior in the field of political corruption are not covered by legal liability measures. This is due to the lack of legal definition of "political corruption" in the current legislation. However, within the framework of normative regulation of relations in the field of state funding of political parties, a legal mechanism for preventing political corruption in Ukraine has been formed and operates. This led to the conclusion that due to the establishment of requirements and restrictions on the financing of political parties, the introduction of transparency and accountability of political parties and election campaigns, the legislator launched state control over the finances of political parties represented by the National Agency for Prevention of Corruption and to administrative or criminal liability for the relevant offenses. In view of this, emphasis is placed on the importance of understanding the legal aspects of political corruption, influencing political parties through finances, strengthening the financial discipline of political parties, improving the system of state control over the financing of political parties, and ensuring responsibility for violations in political financing. The scientific novelty of the article is the legal analysis of actions in the field of political corruption in terms of the introduction of legal mechanisms to prevent its manifestations. The practical significance of the article is related to the possibility of further use of its materials in the educational process, conducting interdisciplinary research on the phenomenon of political corruption and forming proposals for improving the legislative mechanisms of state control over the financial activities of political parties.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110288
Author(s):  
Camilla Bjarnøe

How parties compete by utilizing frames in the public debate is not well understood. A widespread understanding is that parties tend to compete by talking past each other, i.e. when they utilize dissimilar frames. This article relies on a unique data set of parties’ framing of four individual policy questions over two decades in Denmark to examine frame overlap, i.e. when parties adopt similar frames. Results show that parties utilize similar and dissimilar frames in the public debate. However, a high degree of frame similarity was generally found across parliamentary blocs (between the leading mainstream party from each bloc, their leading junior coalition partner, and the two blocs) and most often a very high degree of overlap was found within parliamentary blocs (between the leading mainstream party and its junior coalition partner). This result suggests a need to rethink thoroughly how to understand and study interaction among parties utilizing frames.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document