Op het elan van de democratie : Emoties als mobilisatiefactor in de Belgische politieke geschiedenis

Res Publica ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-117
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe ◽  
Gita Deneckere

In recent years, several authors have stated that emotions have come to play a more important role in political life, especially in political mass mobilisation. Ouring the 1990s, Belgium and other Western countries have indeed witnessed some spectacular examples of emotion-driven mobilisation. In this article, we argue that emotions are not an innovation in political mass-mobilisation. Various examples from the Belgian political history of the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate that emotions have always been a key factor for explaining the occurrence, the form and the outcome of political protest. The mobilising role of emotions cannot be considered as aquantitative innovation, and therefore the expression 'new emotional movements' does not seem warranted. We make the claim that these recent mobilisations are not typical because of their reliance on emotions, but rather because of their tendency toward de-institutionalisation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
E. S. Dabagyan

This article is a political portrait of an extraordinary personality, the President of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, who has travelled a long and very thorny path of transformation from a frantic fighter against a dictatorial regime to a man who actually became the country’s president for life. The author presents the methods by which Ortega achieved power and thereby ensured his political longevity. The author pays special attention to the role of Rosario Murillo, the politician’s wife, whose importance is growing in the internal political life of the state. The article provides an overview of the political history of the country in recent decades, the author also presents the peculiarities of Ortega’s biography and professional development. The author examines the stages of the party struggle in Nicaragua and the role of Ortega in this process. The author analyzes in detail the opinions of various experts regarding political events that took place in Nicaragua. The author traces and analyzes the main trends in economic development of Nicaragua, including cooperation with the Russian Federation. The author notes the role of Nicaragua in assisting the Russian Federation on the international arena. The author emphasizes the diversity of the spheres in which cooperation and interaction of the two countries is carried out.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 115-128
Author(s):  
Vladimir A. Kudryavtsev ◽  
Alexandra I. Vakulinskaya

This article deals with the history of Russian philosophers ‘acquaintance with the ideas of O. Spengler, set forth in his work “The Decline of the West”. The authors point out that the initial orientation of Russian thought towards Historiosophy, problems of history and ontology became the key factor of Spengler’s popularity in Russia. The article considers and analyzes critical and methodological approaches to the theory of cultural and historical types by O. Spengler and N. Ya. Danilevsky within the framework of Russian philosophical thought. The authors pay attention to the ideological influence of the United States as the country which adheres to the ideas of the Enlightenment, as well as to German thinkers, who visited this country in the early twentieth century. It is concluded that the global scenario of the human civilization development, that used to be the mainstream of its formation before the events of the beginning of this year, is unsuitable and untenable. The authors insist on the important role of the theory of cultural and historical types supported and developed by Russian emigration representatives, and focus on the importance of the religious factor in the process of cultural revival.


Author(s):  
Е. А. Меkhamadiev ◽  

Greek sources, which tell us about a military-political history of Byzantium in the 7th century, mainly the famous “Chronographia” of Theophanes the Confessor, usually contain little evidence on relations between the Empire and local countries of South Caucasus and Armenian highland. But, having based on the Arabic-speaking historians al-Baladhuri and al-Ya‘qubi, who lived both in the 9th century, and also on the evidence of some little-studied Greek texts, i.e. a letter of Anastasius Apocrisiarius and the works of Theodoros Spoudaios, the author tries to discover a role of the Byzantine army of Armeniakoi within these interrelations. The army, which was located in the provinces of Cappadocia, Paphlagonia and Hellenopontus, was established in the mid-650s. It was predominantly composed of the former bodyguards of powerful Armenian nakharars (chiefs of local Armenian noble families). Time after time, depending on geopolitical situation in the region, a central power of Byzantium moved and located the regular units of the army in Lazika, i.e. within modern West Georgia. Moreover, the author traces that one of the noble Armenian nakharars named Nerseh Kamsarakan, who headed a powerful family of Artsruni, occupied the official office of the strategos of the Armeniakoi by 688. The army commanded by Nerseh Kamsarakan reconquered the princedom of Armenia from the Arabs in 686–688; therefore, as a result, the Byzantine Emperor Justinian II appointed Nerseh Kamsarakan as the Great Prince of Armenian princedom and located regular troops of the army of Armeniakoi on these lands.


Author(s):  
Khrystyna Romanivna Martsikhiv ◽  
Liliia Yevgenivna Horbachova

The concept of «civil society» in modern political science is given. The relevance of its theoretical and practical aspects which is caused by the obvious increase the role of ordinary citizens and their voluntary associations in all spheres of human society: economic, political, social, spiritual, is analyzed. The successes of public organizations and movements of people of good will in the field of detente of international tensions, in providing assistance to peoples affected by natural disasters, catastrophes and other social unrest are widely known. It was established that the basis of victories is the development of civil society, high activity of citizens and their voluntary associations. This is achievable only in a sufficiently developed civil society. It has been proved that success comes where the business activity of citizens and the non-governmental structures they create increases, state intervention in economic, social and spiritual life is limited, where civil society develops and improves. The theoretical and applied aspects of the phenomenon of civil society are comprehended through a theoretical analysis of the concept of civil society in the history of socio-philosophical and political thought, from Plato and Aristotle to the views of modern researchers. It is emphasized that civil society is a type of social system, the hallmark of which is the real multi-subjectivity of economic, social, cultural and political life. The formation and development of civil society in Ukraine during the years of independence is analyzed. It is proved that the formation of civil society is manifested in the formation of its institutions - voluntary public associations, public movements, trade unions, independent media, public opinion as a social institution, elections and referendums as a means of public expression and protection of public-dependent interests. judicial and law enforcement systems, etc. The peculiarities of the interaction of civil society and the rights` state are substantiated.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-42
Author(s):  
Radhika Singha

This chapter assesses the key role of the non-combatant or follower ranks in the history of sub-imperial drives exerted across the land and sea frontiers of India. The reliance of the War Office upon combatant and non-combatant detachments from the Indian Army, used in combination with units of the British Army, left an imprint upon the first consolidated Indian Army Act of 1911. From 1914 the inter-regional contests of the Government of India for territory and influence, such as those running along the Arabian frontiers of the Ottoman empire, folded into global war. Nevertheless the despatch of an Indian Expeditionary Force to Europe in August 1914 disrupted raced imaginaries of the world order. The second less publicized exercise was the sending of Indian Labor Corps and of humble horse and mule drivers to France in 1917-18. The colour bar imposed by the Dominions on Indian settlers had begun to complicate the utilisation of Indian labor and Indian troops on behalf of empire. Over 1919-21, as global conflict segued back into imperial militarism, a strong critique emerged in India against the unilateral deployment of Indian troops and military labor, on fiscal grounds, in protest against their use to suppress political life in India and to condemn the international order which their use sustained.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Thaxton

In April of 1980 I was received by the Henan Province History Research Institute of the Henan Province Chinese Academy of Social Sciences to begin the first systematic oral political history project on peasant revolution in modern China. The focus of this project is on the problems of livelihood faced by the peasants of Lin county and several other counties in the pre-Liberation period, roughly 1911–49. In May I began an investigation of the history of rural Lin county and the village of Yao Cun, Lin county, Henan. In this essay I will sketch the general social and political history of Yao village in Republican years, and then draw from my preliminary field research to explain the relationship between land rent, the impoverishment of peasant smallholders, and political power in pre-Liberation China in one North China village. This relationship has received minimal emphasis in the literature on peasantry and change in pre-1949 China. One of the many reasons for this has been the tendency of past scholarship to stress the critically important role of the ‘middle peasant village’ in the Chinese revolution. The evidence from Yao cun offers a slight qualification of this middle peasant thesis.


1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.


1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henryk Wereszycki

The question of whether the Poles were an integrating or a disintegrating factor within the Habsburg monarchy has yet to be fully studied by Polish historians. Up to now they have concerned themselves mainly with the part played by the Austrian empire in the history of the Polish nation after the eighteenth century partitions and have overlooked the role of the Poles in the Austrian empire. They have concentrated their attention on the fate of the territories of the historic Polish state which fell under Habsburg rule and have studied the social, cultural, and political transformations which affected Galicia during the century and a half of Austrian domination. Polish historians have even studied the contributions made by former Habsburg subjects to the reconstruction of the Polish state after the dissolution of the monarchy, but they have rarely discussed the part which the Poles took in the political life of the multinational empire.


Author(s):  
T. Kayirken ◽  

In the article the political, economic and cultural changes that took place in the Altai area in the epoch, in which the ancient Turks lived and founded the Kaganate (V-VIII centuries BC). For this, first of all, different ethnic groups (Gaoshae, Dinlin, Togyz Oguz, Basmyl) that inhabited Altai and its surroundings on the eve of the Turkic Era, their ethnic relations with the Blue Turks, migration, and political ties were considered. At the same time, attaching great importance to the legends and stories about the origins of the development and statehood of the Blue Turks, their first Turkic Kaganate, which created the Altai Mountains Central, and its division into two wings East-West, the relations of the West Turkic Kaganate and East Turkic Kaganate with the Tang empire were investigated. The geopolitical position of the Altai region in these historical processes is reflected. This is due to the fact that the Altai region plays a leading role in world historical processes. Three great empires that had an active influence on world history were first established in Altai and were widely spread from it. They are the empires of the Huns, the Blue Turks and the Genghis Khan. It is certainly no coincidence that all these empires could become the mainstay of Altai and influence the world. The article stresses the role and place of the Altai in the spiritual life of Turkic peoples, especially its paramount importance, by a careful examination of various situations characteristic only of the Turkic epoch. The first part deals with the role of Altai in a historical stage of Türks. For the first time it is analyzed as a unified historical and geographical region in the northeastern part of Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang province of the PRC), where Bogd, Bayt and Altai mountains, Altai and Mountain Altai, as well as Sayan and Oypsei lowlands are located. This is the Altai area that we are constantly talking about. The article reveals the spiritual, economic and political role of the Altai Mountains in the formation of the state and their influence on the outside world and the prosperity of the Turks in the centre of this immense expanse. To that end great importance was attached to historical and geographical signs reflected in the legends about the origin of Türks, recorded in such historical sources of China as «The History of northern khanates», «The book of Chzhou», and «The book of Sui». All these data testify that ancient Türks inhabited in the subsequent half of V century BC from Northern foothills of Gaochan (Idikut) up to the Altai Mountains and its suburbs. So what were the earlier names and where did the Turks walk? To answer that question in the second part of the article we will briefly outline the history of several ethnic groups that formed the Türks. They are Dinlin, Gaoshe, Basmyl and Togyz Oguz, who since ancient times inhabited Altai and established their state one by one. Their entry onto the historical scene, interrelationship, migration, and cultural and economic development in chronological order are investigated in the article. The third section was devoted to the study of political events that took place in Altai during the time of the Turkic Kaganate. In the middle of VI century, the Turks grew out of the Telians that inhabited Altai. They were the Sueyantuo (xueyantuo), Dieleer (Dieleer), Shipan (Shipan), and Daqi (Daqi), inhabiting southwest of the Altai Mountains among 41 tribes stretching widely from Lake Baikal to the river Volga, in the south to the Jetkabyga (northern foothills of Tien Shan), which are mentioned in the «Book of Sui». In 546 other tribes of the Teli, who captured Oguzes, united and went on the offensive against Juzhans. The Tyumen Kagan started the subjugated Teli tribes, ruined them on the road, and took over 50 thousand rubles. From that moment their force increased. The article also emphasized that during the Türkic Kaganate Altai was a centre, and then a border of the Eastern and Western Türkic Kaganates, and the events that took place there affected each side. At the same time the major events that took place in Altai and influenced the political life of Western and Eastern Turkic Khaganates have been considered.


The article analyzes the views of I. Mirchuk on the philosophical doctrine of V. Lipinsky through the prism of the Ukrainian spirituality and mentality. I. Mirchuk called the antaeism a key component of the Ukrainian spirituality, which affected the development of the state-political life of the Ukrainian nation. That particular feature of the objective spirit of the Ukrainian people, according to the thinker, has been the cause of both positive and negative tendencies in the formation of statehood. The close connection between the Ukrainians and the land afforded ground for V. Lipinsky to give the role of the bearer of the modern Ukrainian state to the peasant farmer. In addition, the merit of V. Lipinsky according to I. Mirchuk, was that he put his national theory of statehood on his own motivations. Another sign of the spirituality of Ukrainians, to which I. Mirchuk drew particular attention, was the concept of messianism, formed by V. Lipinsky. I. Mirchuk was one of the first, who explained the essence of this concept of the thinker, which was that the leading stratum, and the whole nation behind it, consider themselves called by the highest forces to make an extremely important, predestined mission in the history of humanity. I. Mirchuk defined V. Lipinsky’s messianism as a form of love for his neighbor, transferred from the sphere of individual relationships to the large masses of peoples.


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