Social Class and Political Involvement in Age Graded and Non-Age Graded Associations

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 301-310
Author(s):  
James E. Trela

This paper examines the relationship between social class and political involvement after retirement and seeks to determine whether this relationship is differentially mediated by participation in non-age graded and age graded associational contexts. Controlling for the age structure of association memberships, the relationships between social class and political activity and several measures of political interest are examined for 304 retired people. Strong and moderate relationships were found for individuals without memberships and those with non-age graded memberships exclusively. No relationships were found for members of age graded associations only. The absence of a relationship between social class and political involvement for those individuals who confine their formal associational activity to age peers is explained by positing the existence of a generational community which insulates lower class older people from class related cross-pressures and invidious distinctions which depress political involvement in other contexts.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacinth Jia Xin Tan ◽  
Michael W. Kraus ◽  
Emily Impett ◽  
Dacher Keltner

Close relationships can be a source of positive subjective well-being for lower-class individuals, but stresses of lower-class environments tend to negatively impact those relationships. The present research demonstrates that a partner’s commitment in close relationships buffers against the negative impact of lower-class environments on relationships, mitigating social class differences in subjective well-being. In two samples of close relationship dyads, we found that when partners reported low commitment to the relationship, relatively lower-class individuals experienced poorer well-being than their upper-class counterparts, assessed as life satisfaction among romantic couples (Study 1) and negative affect linked to depression among ethnically diverse close friendships (Study 2). Conversely, when partners reported high commitment to the relationship, deficits in the well-being of lower-class relative to upper-class individuals were attenuated. Implications of these findings for upending the class divide in subjective well-being are discussed.


1985 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 919-922 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Virginia Gonsalves ◽  
Godwin Anthony Bernard

The influence of family background, especially parental social class on offsprings' value orientations has led to much debate. The correlations between parental social class and endorsement of the Mirels and Garrett Protestant Ethic Scale and Wilson and Patterson's Conservatism Scale for a sample of 108 undergraduates were significant between lower-class background and endorsement on both scales.


1975 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bates ◽  
Laura Benigni

AbstractStudies of address forms have almost always concentrated on a single set of rules, as they would be used by one idealized speaker. We proposed instead to examine the use of address pronouns in Italy as a function of the classical sociological parameters of age, sex and social class. A modified version of the Brown and Gilman questionnaire was administered in interviews with 117 Italian adults. Results indicate a powerful age—class interaction in overall degree of formality. Young upper class Ss are by far the least formal of the social groups — a particularly interesting finding, since Brown and Gilman's original study was drawn entirely from this population. Lower class youth are the most formal, with older Ss falling in between. Most Italians are likely to expect to receive the same address form that they give; the only clearly functional non-reciprocal relationships involve differences in age rather than status. The relationship of the results to political measures are also discussed. Several issues are examined from the point of view of sociolinguistic ‘ideals’ tapped by the questionnaire, vs. actual behavior in social settings. (Address forms (T/V pronouns); social class, age, and sex differences; Italy (Rome).)


1965 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas E. Dow

In this study the relationship between social class membership and reaction to physical disability was examined. It was hypothesized that this reaction would be conditioned by the relative emphasis attached to physique, and that this emphasis varied inversely with social class level, that is, the lower class would be expected to react more severely to physical impairment than would the middle class. Information was obtained on the families' definition of the problem, their intellectual optimism or pessimism, their actual behavior under these circumstances, and the relative emphasis which they attached to physique. The results showed that the majority of parents and children were well informed and generally quite optimistic about the problem. On the behavioral level, however, some families were able to cope more effectively than others; larger families managing a more balanced adjustment than smaller families. Lastly, most parents attached little significance to physique, and this seemed to facilitate their optimism in the face of disability. Over-all, there was no significant class bias in any of the above positions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 44-80
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner

This chapter describes in detail patterns of political participation in Latin America with a particular focus on the political activity of poor citizens. It also introduces the book’s measures of poverty and political participation and engages in some preliminary statistical analysis in order to rule out alternative explanations. We identify three important findings: first, the poorest individuals in Latin America now participate in politics at least as much as, if not more than, more affluent individuals; second, the relationship between wealth and political activism is not uniform across countries or acts: in some places poor people participate more than the affluent, in most countries there is no difference in overall levels of participation across social classes, and in a few countries political stratification by class continues; third, the chapter shows that poor people do vote and protest a bit less than more affluent people but contact government more. It is the frequency with which poor people contact government officials that accounts for much of the equality in political participation that the book identifies. The analysis finds little evidence that individual-level factors explain these patterns. Instead, poor individuals participate as much or more than more affluent individuals despite possessing lower levels of education, political interest, and wealth. The chapter also explores the effect that efforts at vote buying and clientelist mobilization have on poor people’s activism, showing that although clientelism is common, it not the only mechanism through which poor people are mobilized into politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 237802312096933
Author(s):  
Andreas Tutić ◽  
Ulf Liebe

Research on the relationship between social class and altruistic giving has provided inconsistent evidence. Using the dictator game, in which one participant is endowed with a certain amount of money and has to allocate this amount between herself and another individual, several studies found that higher-class actors have a lower tendency toward altruistic giving than lower-class actors; other studies found the opposite pattern. We show that social class has a positive effect on altruistic giving in the dictator game with a sizeable sample of residents of the United States using both an objective measure of social class—that is, a composite of income, education, and occupational prestige—and a subjective measure. Shedding more light on the mechanisms underlying the positive effect of social class, it is demonstrated that class affects altruistic giving not so much by differences in empathic concern but by differences in the marginal utility of money and contact heterogeneity. It is argued that the latter effect can be derived from Collins’s theory of interaction rituals and class cultures.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavie Plante

Understanding the relationship that older people develop with information and communication technologies is complex. Basing itself on the assumption that age, gender, and social class are not sufficient to understand this relationship, this article suggests combining the mechanisms of aging with those of media experience. This combination allows us to identify dynamics around recovery, deception and active and inactive attitudes around technologies. Applied to 35 retired individuals living in Réunion, these dynamics fuel the definition of the “second order digital divide,” the understanding of which depends on taking into account the stakes involved in the representation of old age.Comprendre la relation que les personnes âgées développent avec les technologies de l’information et de la communication est complexe. Partant du postulat que l’âge, le genre et la classe sociale ne sont pas suffisants pour saisir cette relation, cet article propose de combiner les mécanismes du vieillissement à ceux de l’expérience médiatique. Cette combinaison permet de dégager des dynamiques autour de la reprise, de la déprise et des attitudes actives et inactives autour des technologies. Appliquées à 35 individus à la retraite vivant à La Réunion, ces dynamiques alimentent la définition de la fracture numérique du second degré dont la compréhension dépend ici de la prise en compte des enjeux de la construction de la vieillesse.


1974 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert T. Riley ◽  
Florence L. Denmark

A field study was conducted in a suburban elementary school to ascertain the relationship between the CEFT, a measure of field independence, and tests of verbal ability and general intelligence for lower-class black subjects. A correlational analysis revealed strong interrelationships between these tests contrary to the previous findings of Witkin and his associates. Grade level and sex interacted to produce different correlational structures for each condition. These results question the assertion that field independence varies independently of intelligence for all subjects regardless of age, sex, and social class.


2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722110211
Author(s):  
Olivia Evans ◽  
Mark Rubin

It has been established that people from lower social classes tend to have poorer mental well-being compared with people from higher classes. Research also suggests that people from the lower classes are also less socially integrated. This research investigated the role of social integration in the relationship between social class and mental well-being across three studies (Study 1 N = 15,028; Study 2 N = 1,946; Study 3 N = 461). Across all studies, social class had an indirect effect on mental well-being via social integration. Moderation results found that social integration buffers the negative impact of financial issues on mental well-being, social support buffers the effects of class on mental ill-health, and family support amplifies rather than reduces social class differences in mental well-being. We propose that although improving social integration has the potential to improve the mental well-being of lower class populations, some caveats need to be considered.


Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 780-800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel E. Stern

Abstract Preliminary data show that Hong Kong's poor suffer increased exposure to air pollution. People in lower-class areas may be up to five times as likely to be hospitalized for respiratory illness as their counterparts in high-income areas. In addition, variation in household income may explain up to 60%% of Air Pollution Index (API) variation between districts. Despite this, air pollution has not been seen as a class issue because of the invisibility of Hong Kong's poor, the nature of environmental activism, and a relative lack of class tensions. Two of Asia's most significant trends are deepening income inequality and increasing environmental degradation. Yet, these two trends are often examined separately, as parts of entirely different spheres. Using air pollution in Hong Kong as a case study, this article argues that environmental issues and social class are intimately intertwined. Environmental burdens, such as air pollution, disproportionately affect the poor. Social class——who is generating pollution and who is affected——also determines how environmental issues are perceived and addressed. However, little combined analysis of social class and the environment exists outside the United States. Hong Kong's struggle to improve air quality in the post-handover period provides an unusual opportunity to examine the relationship between social class and the environment in Asia.


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