scholarly journals Fungsi Partai Politik dalam Pendidikan Politik Masyarakat

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-169
Author(s):  
I Gede Wijaya Kusuma ◽  
Ida Ayu Putu Widiati ◽  
Luh Putu Suryani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Political Education ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Low Levels

One of the functions of political parties in legislation is as a means of political education and socialization. Political parties are obliged to disseminate their political discourse to the public. However, in its implementation in the field, there are still political parties that have not maximized their function in providing political education to the public. This study discusses (1) What is the function of political parties in providing public political education and its influence on public participation in general elections? (2) What are the implications of political parties that do not implement public political education? This research was conducted by using normative legal research methods, primary and secondary sources of legal materials, methods of collecting legal materials using statute records and others, and analyzing legal materials using descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that according to Law No.2 of 2011, one of the functions of political parties is to provide political education as a means of education for the wider community to become Indonesian citizens who are aware of their rights and obligations in public. The importance of political education carried out by political parties to the maximum and in its actual essence will be able to have a very good impact on society, which means that people are able to become people who are aware of their obligations in giving choices to political parties or candidates who are true and sincere in terms of welfare. people. The implication of political parties that do not carry out public political education is to cause a decrease in public participation in general elections and this will also lead to apparently unhealthy political conditions and allow high abstention due to low levels of public participation.

scholarly journals Public Participation in the General Elections of India: An Overview since 1951

2015 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 17-34
Author(s):  
Ramesh Pandita
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Ground Level ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government

Democratic process of any country is based on the participation of the public to form the government through their elected representatives, and the nation having an electoral system in place to choose their representatives can be termed as a nation living true to its democratic essence, while as, the nation elusive of ground level public participation in forming governments can never be termed as living true to democratic colour. The present study is an attempt to understand the electoral process of India, the public participation in the democratic process of the country, which is already fifteen general elections old, lasted over the period 1951 to 2014. Attempt has been made to understand the areas like, growth of parties over the period of time, seat distribution, reservation of seats, electoral participation, polling stations, performance of major national political parties along with electoral turnout both collectively and on gender basis etc. Existence of the multi party system in India and the growth in parties over a period of time gets equally reflected by the fact that in 1951, 54 parties participated in the electoral process and the number grew up to 466 in 2014, reflecting a growth of over 792%. During all the general elections contested by candidates 77.43% contestants forfeited their deposits with an average of 135 political parties contested each general election. Over 80.45% elected candidates to the parliament during all the general elections held so far, represent national parties.

scholarly journals Jammu & Kashmir’s Repeated Reaffirmed Faith in the Democratic Setup of India: A Study of the State’s Public Participation in the General Elections of India (1967-2014)

2015 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
Ramesh Pandita
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Jammu And Kashmir ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections

Purpose: - The up-rise of social unrest in the state of Jammu & Kashmir (the federal constituent of the Union of India) towards the end of the 20th century with the demand to secede from the union of India has somewhere earned the Jammu & Kashmir as a conflict zone in the South Asia. The present study has been conceived to examine the public participation of the Jammu & Kashmir state in the democratic process of the country, by participating in the general elections of India (A referendum or plebiscite of its own kind, whereby people of the state, time and again have reaffirmed their faith in the democratic process of the country) since its accession with the union of India. Some of the aspects evaluated in the present study include, electoral participation, participation of national and local level political parties, participation and performance of national level political parties, representation given to women candidates, etc.Scope: - The study is confined to the state of Jammu & Kashmir, India and the findings have direct bearing with the state, which has altogether a different geopolitical setup, where public interests stand safeguarded by the constitution of India under article 370. There is every need to observe caution, while generalizing the findings of the study.Methodology/Approach: - The study is empirical in nature, undertaken on the secondary data, retrieved from the official website of the Election Commission of India on August 02, 2014.Findings: - The state of Jammu and Kashmir has so far undergone through 12 general elections in the country. The average voter turnout during these elections from the state remained about 46.76%. At gender level the average voter turnout percentage among males remained 60% & for females 39.90%, which compared to voter turnout at national level during the same period at gender level remained 62.39% and 55.45% respectively. The voter turnout percentage from the state remained far better than various other states of the country for the same period. The threat perception to not to participate in the electoral process of the country that prevailed over state populace post 1989 got reflected in the subsequent 7 general elections held in the state, especially among female folk, resulting decline in their turnout percentage, when compared to their male counterparts.Social Implications: - The study is an eye opener to the public at large and to those, who are abetting the Jammu & Kashmir’s secession movement by crying that the state is devoid of democracy. The secession movement which is being backed by the money & the munitions questions its own credibility & justification.

scholarly journals La transparencia de los partidos políticos como estrategia electoral. Una evaluación de sus promesas y sus páginas web

Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
María Díez Garrido ◽  
Eva Campos Domínguez ◽  
Dafne Calvo
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Web Sites ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Insight Into

El escenario digital ha impulsado pro­fundos cambios en el entorno político, entre los que se puede distinguir el im­pulso de la transparencia informativa. La transparencia se ha convertido en uno de los valores democráticos que los políticos quieren demostrar de cara a la ciudadanía, ya que es un signo de le­gitimidad, evolución y lucha contra la corrupción. Los partidos políticos han introducido la transparencia en sus dis­cursos y argumentarios. Precisamente las formaciones tienen una reputación baja en cuanto a apertura informativa. Este artículo pretende estudiar la intro­ducción de la transparencia en el dis­curso electoral de los partidos políticos. Para ello, se estudia la presencia de la transparencia en los programas elec­torales de las principales formaciones políticas españolas durante las últimas Elecciones Generales (2015 y 2016). A continuación, se realiza un análisis de contenido de sus páginas web, que pretende conocer su nivel de apertura informativa. Esta metodología nos per­mite descubrir si lo que promocionan las formaciones en los programas se relaciona con el desarrollo en sus pá­ginas web. Los resultados muestran las diferencias entre los nuevos partidos y los tradicionales, así como la evolución entre unos comicios y los siguientes.   Political Parties’ Transparency As an Electoral Strategy. An Evaluation of Their Promises and Their Websites The digital scenario has produced pro­found changes in the political environ­ment, and transparency is part of this transformation. Transparency has become one of the most valued aspirations that politicians want to demonstrate to the public, as it is a sign of legitimacy, evolution, and the fight against corrup­tion. Political parties have introduced transparency in their speeches and ar­guments. At the same time, political for­mations have a low reputation in terms of informative openness. This article aims to study the introduction of trans­parency in the political parties’ electoral discourse. To this end, we explore the presence of transparency in the electo­ral programs of the main Spanish poli­tical parties during the last two General Elections (2015 and 2016). Next, we carry out a content analysis of their web sites, which aims to gain deeper insight into their level of informative openness. This methodology allows us to determine if Spanish political parties promote in their programs the same ob­jectives that they put forward on their web sites. The results also show the di­fferences between the new parties and the traditional ones, as well as their evolution between the General Elections in 2015 and 2016.

scholarly journals Akibat Hukum terhadap Penggunaan Air Bawah Tanah tanpa Izin

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-186
Author(s):  
I Gusti Agung Gede Catra Artawan ◽  
I Nyoman Budiartha ◽  
I Nyoman Sutama
Keyword(s):  
Research Methods ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Soil Surface ◽  
Underground Water ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Groundwater Exploitation ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Consequences

Underground water is water that is contained in a layer of soil or rock below the soil surface. This study aims to determine the government's authority in regulating groundwater permits and what are the legal consequences of violating unlicensed groundwater use. The research was conducted using empirical legal research methods, source of the data which was used are primary and secondary sources of legal materials, methods of collecting legal materials using documentation studies and field research, and analyzing legal materials using descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that the Government's authority in permitting groundwater is regulated in the Bali Governor Regulation Number 5 of 2016 concerning Groundwater Permits, particularly in Article 3 paragraph (1), it is explained that the Governor has the authority to manage groundwater in CAT in the province. In Article 3 paragraph (2), the authority of the Government (Governor) is reaffirmed, including several things, namely: granting permits for groundwater drilling; give permission to extract groundwater; grant permits for the use of groundwater; granting permits for groundwater exploitation; grant permits to groundwater drilling companies; provide guidance, supervise technical investigations and use of Groundwater. As a result of violations of the use of groundwater by violating the parties in accordance with Article 15 paragraph (1) of Law Number 11 of 1974 concerning Irrigation, it is stated that anyone who deliberately runs water and / or water sources business without permission from the Government is punishable by imprisonment. 2 (two) years and or a maximum fine of Rp. 5,000,000 (five million rupiah).

scholarly journals Strategi Peningkatan Kompetensi Aparatur Sipil Negara Melalui Peningkatan E-Literasi dan Edukasi Kebijakan Publik

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Apandi Apandi
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Human Resources ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Improve Performance ◽  
The Public ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
Performance Results

E-literacy and education are important components in improving the quality of human resources needed in an organization. The purpose of this study is to reveal the importance of e-literacy and public policy education. The State Civil Apparatus (ASN) requires e-literacy and education to improve performance results so that public services can be maximized. This becomes interesting research in the development of science-based on the real events that occur in Indonesia. Where so far, e-literacy and education is only intended for the public, especially millennial generation. The research method used is the study of literature where data is obtained through various secondary sources that are relevant to theoretically strengthen research results. The findings explain that e-literacy and education are effective and efficient strategies in overcoming budget constraints and low levels of ASN competence. With e-literacy and public policy education, it is hoped that the professionalism of the ASN bureaucracy will increase and the quality of public services will be better.

Political Parties and Public Participation in Constitution Making: Legitimation, Distraction, or Real Influence?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Hudson
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Participatory Methods ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Party Strength ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Constitution Making

Over the past three decades, participatory methods of constitution making have gained increasing acceptance and are now an indispensable part of any constitution-making process. Despite this, we know little about how much public participation actually affects the constitution. This article investigates the impact of participation in two groundbreaking cases: Brazil (1988) and South Africa (1996). This analysis demonstrates that public participation has relatively small effects on the text, but that it varies in systematic ways. The theory advanced here posits that party strength (especially in terms of discipline and programmatic commitments) is the key determinant of the effectiveness of public participation. Strong parties may be more effective in many ways, but they are less likely to act on input from the public in constitution-making processes.

scholarly journals Somos nosotros, somos gobierno. Experiencia de movimientos sociales en Bolivia

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 264-276
Author(s):  
María Virginia Quiroga
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The One ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”.  On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy.  In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo.  Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”.  Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad.  En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.

scholarly journals Article 24C Paragraph 1 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia: History and Critical Analysis of Disputes on the Authority of State Institutions

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-412
Author(s):  
Demas Brian W ◽  
Sudarsono ◽  
Rachmad Safa’at ◽  
Muchamad Ali Safa’at
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
State Institution ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Independent State ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Executive Agency ◽  
State Requirement

In simple terms, the ratio legis can be interpreted as the reason why there is a provision in the law. Article 24C paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia determines the authority possessed by the Constitutional Court, paragraph (1) reads: The Constitutional Court has the authority to adjudicate at the first and final levels whose decisions are final to examine laws against the Constitution, decide disputes over authority a state institution whose authority is granted by the Constitution, decides on the dissolution of political parties, and decides on disputes regarding the results of general elections. The limiting provisions of Article 24C paragraph (1) seem to close the scope for expanding the Constitutional Court authority to decide disputes over the authority of independent state institutions. Meanwhile, this is a state requirement. This research uses a statutory approach with a descriptive analysis method. The conclusions obtained are: 1) it is not possible that a state institution that has supervisory authority has conflict with other legal institutions; 2) there are state institutions whose authorities are regulated by law and have the potential for authority disputes, but are resolved through the executive agency; 3) there is the authority of state institutions that have the potential for conflict of authority but there are no rules for resolving them.  

scholarly journals Peningkatan Calon Tunggal Dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Christya Putranti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Commission Regulation ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Harsh Criticism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Leaders

Regional Leaders Election (Pilkada) is an interesting matter to discuss, Pilkada regulations have undergone several changes, the phenomenon of change occurs starting from the appointment of a regional head, in which was initially elected by House of Presentatives (DPR) until finally returned to the public as people's sovereignty, the enactment of Law No. 1 of 2015 concerning about the stipulation of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 20114 which discussed about the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors into a law which enforced the return of elections to be carried out by House of Presentatives  which led to harsh criticism from the public so in the end government restored the public's right to vote. Another interesting thing is that as a result of the people's sovereignty, the right to be elected and to elect the citizens, especially in regions, must be implemented. Unfortunately, the problem this has become a new problem, which was the delay in the implementation of regional elections. In Law No. 32 of 2004 concerning about Regional Government in which only regulates that regional heads are proposed through a combination of political parties and political parties, after the decision of  Constitutional Court Number 5 / PUU-V / 2007 individual candidates also can run for regional head candidates.  Law Number 18 of 2015 had been reviewed by the Constitutional Court Number 100 / PUU-VIII / 2015. The blank ballot box regulation then appears in General Elections Commission Regulation (PKPU) Number 14 of 2015 concerning about the election for Governor and Vice Governor, Regent and Vice Regent and / or Mayor and Vice Mayor upon follow-up to the Constitutional Court decisions. This study will focus on the increasing blank ballot box that continues to increase, starting from a single candidate with “agree and disagree" boxes to the enforcement of the blank ballot box. It means that from 2015 Regional Leaders Election experienced a significant increase. This research used normative legal research method by examining laws and regulations, General Elections Commission Regulation (PKPU), and literature studies.

scholarly journals Pola Rekrutmen Penyelenggara Pemilihan Umum Tingkat Kelompok Penyelenggara Pemungutan Suara Di Kecamatan Medan Selayang Pada Pemilihan Umum Serentak Tahun 2019

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 692-709
Author(s):  
Andi Elkana Ginting ◽  
M. Arif Nasution ◽  
Heri Kusmanto
Keyword(s):  
Positive Impact ◽  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
General Election ◽  
Recruitment Process ◽  
Recruitment Pattern ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Local Residents ◽  
The Impact

The purpose of this research is to know and analyze the recruitment process, the impact of the recruitment pattern of the election organizers at the level of the Voting Organizing Group in Medan Selayang District, Medan City on the Integrity of the 2019 Concurrent General Elections. The form of this research is qualitative research with descriptive analysis, to describe and explains in depth the recruitment pattern of election organizers for the Voting Organizing Group (KPPS) which is the spearhead of the implementation of voting and counting of votes in the 2019 Election. The impact of the recruitment pattern of general election organizers at the KPPS level in Medan Selayang District, Medan City on the Integrity of the General Election Concurrent Years 2019, linked by scrutiny, has had a positive impact. Supervision from Bawaslu that has been getting better, the rules and implementing regulations set by the KPU are detailed. Bawaslu already has a very good system. This supervision plays an important role in its implementation to maintain the code of ethics of the organizers, one of which is integrity. The positive impact is evident from the fact that KPPS Medan Selayang is able to carry out its duties properly, following established procedures and regulations, there are no reports of complaints, either from Bawaslu, witnesses from parties / pairs of candidates, or the public. The election activities were carried out in an orderly and conducive manner, according to schedule, and the counting of votes was transparent. KPPS is wise. The public can exercise their voting rights in an orderly and comfortable manner. TPS locations are well prepared. Good approach and communication with local residents.

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