scholarly journals The Expansion of Chinese Business in Myanmar and Sino-Myanmar Relations (1988-1990)

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-314
Author(s):  
Olga Vilenovna Volosyuk ◽  
Wai Yan Phyo Naing
Keyword(s):  
Negative Attitude ◽  
International Community ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Official Statistics ◽  
Remarkable Improvement ◽  
Chinese Business ◽  
The People ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Military

This article deals with the evolution of Sino-Myanmar relations in the late 1980s as a result of the Chinese economic expansion. The “8888 Uprising” of August 1988 was suppressed be the military who retook power in the country. Condemning the repressions of the military government, Western countries and Japan sharply reduced aid to Burma. India closed borders and set up refugee camps along its border with Burma. This situation led to the almost complete isolation of Burma in the international community. China appeared as the only strategic ally of the country in the region. According to the official statistics, Chinese businesses were significantly expanded in Myanmar in 1988-1990. However, despite the remarkable improvement in trade dialogue, problems such as migrants and unbalanced trade emerged, creating fissures in Sino-Myanmar ties. The article examines various cases which caused a negative attitude of the people of Myanmar towards the Chinese and even led to the emergence of a term such as Sinophobia .

No Initiative

2020 ◽  
pp. 102-123
Author(s):  
Courtney A. Short
Keyword(s):  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Comprehensive Planning ◽  
Civilian Population ◽  
The People ◽  
Violent Acts ◽  
The Military

Consistent with the Marines’ lack of emphasis during pre-battle preparations on comprehensive planning for the large civilian population, the Marines relegated concerns for the people to the lowest priority. Never wavering in their belief that the Okinawans stood as definitive enemy, the military government units attached to Marine combat units postponed the establishment of functioning refugee camps. Civilians travelled unfettered throughout the battlefield, obstructing both the operational and military government missions. Attacks staged from within the camps by infiltrating Japanese caused the Marines to associate the civilian population with the violent acts and confirm the Marines steadfast belief that the Okinawans meant harm as enemy. As a result, the Marines carried out their military government duties with an element of harshness absent from the Army camps from their very inception.

Recent Changes in German Governmental Organization

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-100
Author(s):  
Heinz Guradze
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Governmental Organization ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Regional Labor ◽  
Economic Regions ◽  
The Military ◽  
Delegation Of Powers ◽  
Dominant Part

Within the last few years, changes have been carried out in the public administration of Germany which will affect the military government to be established during and after Germany's defeat. Their general trend has been to subordinate state (i.e., Reich, regional, and local) administration to the Party, which has been vested with more and more power. This is of particular interest in the light of the present “total mobilization,” in which the Party plays a dominant part. To some extent, the changes discussed in this note show a definite trend toward decentralization, although there has been no actual delegation of powers to smaller units, since all power remained in the hands of the Party—this being, of course, the reason why the Nazis could afford to “decentralize.” On the local level, the reforms aimed at tying together the loosening bonds between the régime and the people. Only the most recent emergency measures of “total mobilization” are touched on in this note.1. Gauarbeitsaemter. When the Reichsanstalt was created in 1927–28, the Reich was organized in 13 economic regions, each having one regional labor office (Landesarbeitsamt). The idea was to establish large economic districts containing various industries so that a crisis in one industry could be absorbed by the labor market of another within the same district, thus creating “ausgleichsfaehige Bezirke.”

Policy into Action

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-89
Author(s):  
Courtney A. Short
Keyword(s):  
Early Summer ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
The People ◽  
The Military

Initial landings and primary encounters with Okinawan civilians required careful vigilance and judicious evaluations of the potential of the population to fight. Exercising caution in order to minimize unnecessary risks to operational secrets and American lives, military government units assigned to Army combat units initially worked under guidance that resulted in intense security measures aimed to firmly control civilian movement. As the battle expanded inland by early summer, however, the possibility of the people acting violently toward the soldiers seemed less likely. Acting under orders that allowed the soldiers to determine the intentions of the civilians upon landing, soldiers, finding a cooperative, obedient population, offered charity and extended goodwill to the Okinawans. Gradually, the military government units assigned to U.S. Army combat units relaxed their strict parameters.

scholarly journals Burmese Attitude toward Chinese: Portrayal of the Chinese in Contemporary Cultural and Media Works

2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Zin
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Real Estate ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Chinese Migration ◽  
Significant Expression ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Military

This paper argues that since at least the mid 1980s, there has been an observable negative attitude among the people of Burma against the Chinese. Such sentiment is not just transient public opinion, but an attitude. The author measures it by studying contemporary cultural and media works as found in legally published expressions, so as to exclude any material rejected by the regime's censors. The causes of such sentiment are various: massive Chinese migration and purchases of real estate (especially in Upper Burma), Chinese money that is inflating the cost of everything, and cultural “intrusion.” The sentiment extends to the military, as well: the article examines a dozen memoirs of former military generals and finds that Burma's generals do not trust the Chinese, a legacy of China's interference in Burma's civil war until the 1980s. The public outcry over the Myitsone dam issue, however, was the most significant expression of such sentiment since 1969, when anti-Chinese riots broke out in Burma. The relaxation of media restrictions under the new government has allowed this expression to gather steam and spread throughout the country, especially in private weekly journals that are becoming more outspoken and daring in pushing the boundaries of the state's restrictions.

The Unmet Need of Rohingya Refugee Children in Bangladesh

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Josinta - Zinia
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Unmet Need ◽  
Refugee Children ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Human Right ◽  
The People ◽  
Military Violence ◽  
Uncertain Future ◽  
The Military

Rohingyas are a small Muslim ethnic group of Myanmar those who are not recognized as citizens or one of the 135 recognized ethnic groups in the country. They are the people without any identity, without any home. The aim of the present study is to evaluate the vulnerability of Rohingya refugee children and the military violence of Myanmar against Rohingya people that leads to the complete violation of global human right adopted by United Nations. The study was carried out by descriptive qualitative research techniques. To conduct the study, several Rohingya refugee camps were visited and different literature regarding Rohingya issues were reviewed. The result revealed that the ongoing genocide in Rakhaine state by  Myanmar military force on helpless Rohingya people is a complete violation of human rights. Therefore, it can be concluded  that the crisis make the Rohingya children homeless and lead them to an uncertain future.

scholarly journals اقتصادی بحران اور ہنگامی صورتحال پر قابو پانے کیلئے سید نا عمر رضی اللہ عنہ کے حیرت انگیز اقدامات کا تحقیقی جائزہ

rahatulquloob ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Abdul Lateef Hubshi ◽  
Prof. Dr. Muneer Ahmed Khan
Keyword(s):  
Crisis Management ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Efficient Manner ◽  
The People ◽  
Set Up

This paper describes the policies and methods followed by Sayyedna Umar Bin Khattab when he was faced with the year of ar- Ramadah (a year of economic crisis and crisis management) Sayyedna Umar’s awareness of the responsibility of ruling before Allah overwhelmed him and he did not leave any means spiritual or worldly, of dealing with famine and lack of rainfall, but he resorted to it. He continually prayed and asked for forgiveness, and he was always keen to provide food to Muslims, Thinking of his people, those who has come to Madina and those who had remained in the desert. He dealt with the whole situation in an efficient manner. Sayyedna Umar set up the refugee camps during the economic crisis, He asked the people of other regions for aid and prayed for rain. He also took the bold steps of delaying Zakat payments and suspending hadd punishment for stealing, until the rains finally came and life returned to normal. Keywords:   , , , , , .

The War of US against ISIS in Psychological Warfare and Internet as the New Frontline

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Urtak Hamiti
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Good News ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Media Center ◽  
The People ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
The Media ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Hearts And Minds

Barbaric, savage, horrific-these were terms to define the decision of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to murder its captured Jordanian pilot by burning him alive inspired a thesaurus of horror and revulsion. The men who did it, the perpetrators were described by the media as mad men, thugs, monsters. To most of the people, the act itself seemed inexplicable and without sense. However, behind the choreographed and videotaped violence lies a calculated horrible cold logic. Although, ISIS is often portrait as a mighty force on the ground in Syria and Iraq, facts state that they control mainly communications between various provinces in both countries, and, as most guerrilla armies, are militarily weak by conventional measure. ISIS has little or almost none defense against the bombing campaign that is facing now, while US has formed a coalition that is confronting them on the ground as well, after President Barack Obama published the “New Security Doctrine” which includes degrading and finally destroying ISIS. ISIS, however, have proven to be very organized in promoting dramatic acts of violence against their enemies and promoting them two achieve two goals: use terror tactics as a psychological weapon against all those facing them and all those that are to face them in combat. Secondly, through usage of social network platforms to promote killings and executions, the aim of ISIS is to encourage recruits from out of Syria and Iraq, and elsewhere, to join them in their cause. Online operations of ISIS fall under a production group called the Al Hayat Media Center. The Center was created to seduce Westerners into joining the ranks of ISIS and also to distribute propaganda through social and media platforms. It is difficult to assess the success of this operation, but solid sources provided by US military and intelligence estimate that at least 300 Americans are fighting in the ranks of ISIS (at least two Americans have been killed fighting for ISIS in Iraq/Syria region) while the number of Europeans is in thousands. The US Response to this psychological kind of warfare came when President Barack Obama established the Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC) aiming to combat terrorist propaganda. The main strategy of CSCC is not directly to confront ISIS operatives, but rather than that to deal with the people they are trying to recruit. Now, with almost entire international public opinion on their side, it is time for US to more actively respond to ISIS especially in the manner of psychological warfare since it is obvious that operations of “winning hearts and minds” of people in Iraq and Syria are not enough compared to ruthless tactics of ISIS which “winning hearts and minds” by brute force, terror, and vivid violent images. The online propaganda war is a new component to conflicts of 21st century that allows enemies to reach one another’s home fronts directly. ISIS might seem not so strong on the ground but it has captured one fundamental flaw of the media of 21st century-the one that bad news is always good news and that televised violence will always have an audience. ISIS has proclaimed that its goal is to create a caliphate of 21st century but its psychological warfare and propaganda is inspiring individuals throughout the West to commit horrible terrorist crimes. Could this be another mind game set up by ISIS, it remains to be seen. However one thing is for certain, US and its allies must tackle ISIS not only by planes and other military means, but also by a strategy that would eliminate its influence in spreading their propaganda.

Отцейхгаузадомузеяизисториивоенно-историческогомузеяартиллерии,инженерныхвойскивойсксвязи

2019 ◽  
pp. 134-197
Author(s):  
V.E. . Sergei
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Military History ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
General Field ◽  
Signal Corps ◽  
History Of ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Military Engineering ◽  
The Military

The article is dedicated to the history of the Military Historical Museum of Artillery, Engineering and Signal Corps. The author examines the main stages of the museums formation, starting with the foundation of the Arsenal, established in St. Petersburg at the orders of Peter the Great on August 29th 1703 for the safekeeping and preservation of memory, for eternal glory of unique arms and military trophies. In 1756, on the base of the Arsenals collection, the General Inspector of Artillery Count P.I. created the Memorial Hall, set up at the Arsenal, on St. Petersburgs Liteyny Avenue. By the end of the 18th century the collection included over 6,000 exhibits. In 1868 the Memorial Hall was transferred to the New Arsenal, at the Crownwork of the Petropavlovsky Fortress, and renamed the Artillery Museum (since 1903 the Artillery Historical Museum). A large part of the credit for the development and popularization of the collection must be given to the historian N.E. Brandenburg, the man rightly considered the founder of Russias military museums, who was the chief curator from 1872 to 1903. During the Civil and Great Patriotic Wars a significant part of the museums holdings were evacuated to Yaroslavl and Novosibirsk. Thanks to the undying devotion of the museums staff, it not only survived, but increased its collection. In the 1960s over 100,000 exhibits were transferred from the holdings of the Central Historical Museum of Military Engineering and the Military Signal Corps Museum. In 1991 the collection also received the entire Museum of General Field Marshal M.I. Kutuzov, transferred from the Polish town of Bolesawjec. The Military Historical Museum of Artillery, Engineering and Signal Coprs is now one of the largest museums of military history in the world. It holds an invaluable collection of artillery and ammunition, of firearms and cold steel arms, military engineering and signal technology, military banners, uniforms, a rich collection of paintings and graphic works, orders and medals, as well as extensive archives, all dedicated to the history of Russian artillery and the feats of our nations defenders.Статья посвящена истории создания ВоенноИсторического музея артиллерии, инженерных войск и войск связи. Автор рассматривает основные этапы становления музея, начиная с основания Арсенала, созданного в СанктПетербурге по приказу Петра I 29 августа 1703 года для хранения и сохранения памяти, во имя вечной славы уникального оружия и военных трофеев. В 1756 году на базе коллекции Арсенала генеральный инспектор артиллерии граф П. И. создал мемориальный зал, установленный при Арсенале, на Литейном проспекте СанктПетербурга. К концу 18 века коллекция насчитывала более 6000 экспонатов. В 1868 году Мемориальный зал был перенесен в Новый Арсенал, на венец Петропавловской крепости, и переименован в Артиллерийский музей (с 1903 года Артиллерийский Исторический музей). Большая заслуга в развитии и популяризации коллекции принадлежит историку Н.Е. Бранденбургу, человеку, по праву считавшемуся основателем российских военных музеев, который был главным хранителем с 1872 по 1903 год. В годы Гражданской и Великой Отечественной войн значительная часть фондов музея была эвакуирована в Ярославль и Новосибирск. Благодаря неусыпной преданности сотрудников музея, он не только сохранился, но и пополнил свою коллекцию. В 1960х годах более 100 000 экспонатов были переданы из фондов Центрального исторического военноинженерного музея и Музея войск связи. В 1991 году коллекцию также получил весь музей генералфельдмаршала М. И. Кутузова, переданный из польского города Болеславец. Военноисторический музей артиллерии, инженерных войск и войск связи в настоящее время является одним из крупнейших музеев военной истории в мире. Здесь хранится бесценная коллекция артиллерии и боеприпасов, огнестрельного и холодного оружия, военной техники и сигнальной техники, военных знамен, обмундирования, богатая коллекция живописных и графических работ, орденов и медалей, а также обширные архивы, посвященные истории русской артиллерии и подвигам защитников нашего народа.

An Analysis of UN Peacekeeping as Pakistan’s Soft Power Asset

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Protective Role ◽  
International Community ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
The People ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.

The State versus the People

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Rendle
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
State Control ◽  
Scarce Resources ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
The Military

This book provides the first detailed account of the role of revolutionary justice in the early Soviet state. Law has often been dismissed by historians as either unimportant after the October Revolution amid the violence and chaos of civil war or even, in the absence of written codes and independent judges, little more than another means of violence. This is particularly true of the most revolutionary aspect of the new justice system, revolutionary tribunals—courts inspired by the French Revolution and established to target counter-revolutionary enemies. This book paints a more complex picture. The Bolsheviks invested a great deal of effort and scarce resources into building an extensive system of tribunals that spread across the country, including into the military and the transport network. At their peak, hundreds of tribunals heard hundreds of thousands of cases every year. Not all ended in harsh sentences: some were dismissed through lack of evidence; others given a wide range of sentences; others still suspended sentences; and instances of early release and amnesty were common. This book, therefore, argues that law played a distinct and multifaceted role for the Bolsheviks. Tribunals stood at the intersection between law and violence, offering various advantages to the Bolsheviks, not least strengthening state control, providing a more effective means of educating the population on counter-revolution, and enabling a more flexible approach to the state’s enemies. All of this adds to our understanding of the early Soviet state and, ultimately, of how the Bolsheviks held on to power.

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