Woman Suffrage in Parliament: A Test for Cabinet Autocracy

1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evans Clark

The woman suffrage movement in Great Britain has rendered a service for political science of which even its adherents are often unaware. It has brought to a most searching test the prevailing constitutional theory.In these days of psycho-analysis of the individual there should be also some psycho-analysis of political institutions. Political theory, like the pious formulas with which we drape the nudity of our real desires and aspirations, is often at bottom what might be called a highly intellectualized excuse. Political theory is an afterthought: a justification or explanation of the desires and aspirations of the dominant economic and social group. The “divine right of kings” is now a hollow pretension to us. But it was as much a reality to the aristocracy, whose power is explained and excused, as are our own instinctive personal excuses. The “natural rights of man” have proven hardly more substantial,—the great excuse in which the rising commercial classes have ever covered their designs against the aristocracy. And now, at last, in the theory that “labor creates all wealth,” we find the embryo excuse for a growing threat of the working class.

Author(s):  
Shahrough Akhavi

The doctrine of salvation in Islam centers on the community of believers. Contemporary Muslim political philosophy (or, preferably, political theory) covers a broad expanse that brings under its rubric at least two diverse tendencies: an approach that stresses the integration of religion and politics, and an approach that insists on their separation. Advocates of the first approach seem united in their desire for the “Islamization of knowledge,” meaning that the epistemological foundation of understanding and explanation in all areas of life, including all areas of political life, must be “Islamic.” Thus, one needs to speak of an “Islamic anthropology,” an “Islamic sociology,” an “Islamic political science,” and so on. But there is also a distinction that one may make among advocates of this first approach. Moreover, one can say about many, perhaps most, advocates of the first approach that they feel an urgency to apply Islamic law throughout all arenas of society. This article focuses on the Muslim tradition of political philosophy and considers the following themes: the individual and society, the state, and democracy.


1971 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl W. Deutsch

This paper is a revision of the Presidential Address delivered to the 66th Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Los Angeles, California, September 10, 1970. It identifies nine aspects of political theories: storage and retrieval of memories; assistance to insight; simplification of knowledge; heuristic effectiveness; self-critical cognition; normative awareness of values; scientifically testable knowledge; pragmatic skills; and wisdom, or second-order knowledge of what contexts are worth choosing—a wisdom subject to the possibility of radical restructuring. These nine aspects of theory form an integrated production cycle of knowledge. “Scientific” and “humanistic” political theorists need each other to understand the central task of politics: the collective self-determination of societies. To appraise this steering performance of political systems, large amounts of empirical data as indicators of social performance are indispensable. Political science has grown in knowledge of cases, data, research methods, and sensitivity to problems of disadvantaged groups and of the individual. It is learning to recognize qualities and patterns, verify the limited truth content of theories, and be more critical of its societies and of itself. It needs to increase research on implementation of insights, on positive proposals for reform, changes in political wisdom, and on the abolition of poverty and large-scale war. For these tasks, cognitive contributions from political theory are indispensable; working to make them remains a moral commitment.


1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 527-534
Author(s):  
Ethan P. Allen

These are days when the individual who would devote himself to the study and teaching of political science stands upon the threshold of new and exciting adventures and a lot of very hard work. His mind and his enthusiasms must be keyed to the great possibilities for constructive advancement to be found in a period of social transition. There are those among us who insist with great cogency that we should turn back to the achievements of the “wisdom of the ages” and find there the insight and answers to our current perplexities. Incisive as were the achievements of the great minds of the past, as right as were their prescriptions for their own times and difficulties, few among us would defend the proposition that all wisdom and all understanding reside solely with those who have given us our foundations. Much remains to be uncovered amidst the back-wash of a world-wide revolution. The teacher of political science must balance the wisdom of the past against present possibilities for the greater understanding and clearer insight into political institutions to be found in the quickening imagination of the contemporary scene. We must cut new paths. We must produce our Einstein. Perhaps we have, and are now ready for our own Manhattan Project. But to do this we must face squarely and honestly at least six major problems in this postwar period: (1) graduate preparation; (2) community leadership; (3) teaching load; (4) research; (5) salaries; and (6) academic freedom.Diverse are the interests of those who are now preparing to enter the profession at the college or university level.


One of the political theory ever formulated was The Communist Manifesto by Marx was an epoch-making philosophy that was presented before us; a war of class and materialism. The theory changed the dynamics of the 20th century. Marx gives an account of communism where they visualize a society devoid of class, state, and property that envisaged the theory of capitalism which has a huge impact on the life of million of which the genesis is the modernism. Marx crucial remarks "it is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social existence that determines their consciousness". There had been constant conflict between classes when it comes to marginalized. The question arises if there is any aesthetic of the marginalized or the oppressed that lived in the slum area. Not a single play from 1900-1920 was based on the life of marginalized. Marx as a philosopher believes that a human defines himself/herself through his consciousness and that the individual consciousness is not separate from the social group or a class. The consciousness of the social group defines the consciousness of man. Economically it's between people who are in power and the people who are deprived of it and that money is synonymous with power. The paper discusses how the "marginalized" is an ideological perspective with an extinction of progress and there is a constant conflict of war in both politics and literature when it comes to marginalized


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Rainer Eisfeld

Abstract The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (DHfP, German Political Studies Institute) in Berlin both emerged extramurally. LSE was founded in 1895 by Fabian socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb; DHfP was established in 1920 by liberal-national publicists Ernst Jäckh and Theodor Heuss. However, superficial resemblances ended there, as shown in the paper’s first part. The founders’ aims differed markedly; incorporation into London and Berlin universities occurred at different times and in different ways. The chair of political science set up at LSE in 1914 was held, until 1950, by two reform-minded Fabians, Graham Wallas and Harold Laski. DHfP, which did not win academic recognition during the 1920s, split into nationalist, “functionalist”, and democratic “schools”. Against this backdrop, the paper’s second part discusses Harold Laski’s magnum opus (1925) A Grammar of Politics as an attempt at offering a vision of the “good society”, and Theodor Heuss’ 1932 study Hitler’s Course as an example of the divided Hochschule’s inability to provide adequate analytical assessments of the Nazi movement and of the gradual infringement, by established elites, of the Weimar constitution. Laski’s work and intellectual legacy reinforced the tendency towards the predominance, in British political science, of normative political theory. West German political science, initially pursued “from a Weimar perspective”, was also conceived as a highly normative enterprise emphasising classical political theory, the institutions and processes of representative government, and the problematic ideological and institutional predispositions peculiar to German political history. Against this background, the paper’s third part looks, on the one hand, at the contribution to “New Left” thinking (1961 ff.) by Ralph Miliband, who studied under Laski and taught at LSE until 1972, and at Paul Hirst’s 1990s theory of associative democracy, which builds on Laski’s pluralism. On the other hand, the paper considers Karl Dietrich Bracher’s seminal work The Failure of the Weimar Republic (1955) and Ernst Fraenkel’s 1964 collection Germany and the Western Democracies, which originated, respectively, from the (Research) Institute for Political Science – added to Berlin’s Free University in 1950 – and DHfP, re-launched in the same year. In a brief concluding fourth part, the paper touches on the reception, both in Great Britain and West Germany, of the approaches of “modern” American political science since the mid-1960s.


Author(s):  
Roberto Mancilla

Abstract Many of the basic concepts of political science and law were conceived during the Middle Ages, but were not adapted to the current times. The purpose of this study is to address this incongruity by incorporating ideas of cybernetics and complexity theory with political and constitutional theory in order to reconstitute it. In this process, the author offers a basic model of human sociability and alternative frameworks to the idea of the state, the constitution and the way it is applied in the separation of powers, the public/private distinction and constitutionalism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Ward

In the current debate over the status of moral virtue in ethical and political theory, Aristotle is an imposing and controversial figure. Both champions and critics of the ancient conception of virtue identify Aristotle as its most important proponent, but commentators often obscure the complexity of his treatment of moral virtue. His account of courage reveals this complexity. Aristotle believes that courage, and indeed virtue generally, must be understood as both an end in itself and a means to a more comprehensive good. In this way Aristotle’s political science offers a middle course that corrects and embraces the claims of nobility and necessity in political life. Honor is central to this political science. It acts as a bridge between the desires of the individual and the needs of the political community and reduces the dangers posed by the excessive pursuit of nobility and the complete acquiescence to necessity.


Author(s):  
Kateryna Mykhailytsia

The article analyzes the process of formation, empirical verification and development of the theory of the Second Modern. It is established that it can be described with the help of four stages: the stage of actualization of the renewed essence of social and political; the stage of approval in scientific political science discourse; stage of development; a stage of empirical application and evolution. It is proved that among the features of the new form of modernity, which could be explained with the help of the theory of the Second Modern, the most important is the ambiguous in its consequences, the transformation of political signs, in particular, the increase in the degree of openness of national political systems, accompanied by growing uncertainty of the functioning of political institutions; strengthening of the absolutization of traditional value-normative systems of political regulation; strengthening the importance of political self-organization of citizens, the formation of new forms of democracy and civil society; the complication and differentiation of the space-time characteristics of the political, in particular, the «glocalization»of space and the «compression»of time. It is substantiated that the development of the theory of the Second Modern in modern political science reflects the transformation of the political essence in the new social conditions. All analyzed research interpretations of the Second Modernism state that the main direction of political change is the process of deinstitutionalization of political institutions, which takes place in sufficiently diverse forms: through new identification practices destroying the old institution; by forming «normal deviations», that is, due to a change in the notion of norms; changing the functions of the institution; weakening the legal form of institutionalization; changing the basis of legitimization, when instead of legal legitimization, social legitimization becomes more meaningful. Keywords: Political theory, theory of the Second Modern, stages of the development of the theory, political


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ирина Юдина ◽  
Irina Yudina

This work is an attempt to explain the political roots from which banking systems have evolved in different countries and how they have evolved at different times. For this purpose, materials and analysis tools from three different disciplines were used: economic history, political science and Economics. The main idea that is set out in this paper is the statement that the strength and weakness of the banking system is a consequence of the Great political game and that the rules of this game are written by the main political institutions.


Author(s):  
John Toye

After the upheavals of the French Revolution, Enlightenment thinkers were blamed for loosening the bonds of society. In nineteenth-century France, Saint-Simon advocated a social compromise whereby scientists and artists planned the path of progress while the propertied classes retained political power albeit acting as trustees for the interests of the poor. Comte called for a scientific sociology to inform the design of political institutions. In Britain, Bentham rejected the doctrine of natural rights in favour of the principle of utility, while J. S. Mill flirted with Comte’s positivism briefly. Marx made little impact and socialism came in the guise of Fabianism and middle-class trusteeship for the poor. In Germany, Hegel interpreted the French Revolution as a phase in a moral struggle for freedom and called for freedom to be reconciled with the idea of the common good embodied in the state. List envisaged the common good as protectionist trade policy.


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