How the Greeks and Romans Regarded History

1933 ◽  
Vol 3 (7) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
E. I. Johnston
Keyword(s):  
The Public ◽  
Persian Wars ◽  
The People ◽  
Historical Accuracy ◽  
Greek History ◽  
The Military

Greek history began with the epic and genealogical writers like Homer and Hesiod; Herodotus followed with his prose epic of the Persian Wars. Greek history became scientific and critical with Thucydides but did not remain so after him: from Xenophon onwards it lapsed into rhetoric and romance. Roman historians followed Greek principles and methods, and the earliest wrote in Greek. Polybius alone cared much for scientific criticism in his work; the rest held, with Cicero, that history is a branch of the art of rhetoric. Livy and Tacitus produced works of great literary merit at the expense of historical accuracy. Julius Caesar's account of his conquest of Gaul was the military report of a general written to the people who had given him his commission, to justify his unconstitutional action in conquering Gaul without instructions. These are only the foremost names, but of all Greek and Roman historians only Thucydides and Polybius used in writing the scientific and critical standards of modern historians. The others wrote to please the public taste for rhetoric, to grind some axe, to edify their readers, to relate anecdotes, to praise or blame, to express personal opinions, to display their literary powers, to make digressions, and not many were saved by literary skill from the mediocrity to which their critical weakness doomed them.

Recent Changes in German Governmental Organization

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-100
Author(s):  
Heinz Guradze
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Governmental Organization ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Regional Labor ◽  
Economic Regions ◽  
The Military ◽  
Delegation Of Powers ◽  
Dominant Part

Within the last few years, changes have been carried out in the public administration of Germany which will affect the military government to be established during and after Germany's defeat. Their general trend has been to subordinate state (i.e., Reich, regional, and local) administration to the Party, which has been vested with more and more power. This is of particular interest in the light of the present “total mobilization,” in which the Party plays a dominant part. To some extent, the changes discussed in this note show a definite trend toward decentralization, although there has been no actual delegation of powers to smaller units, since all power remained in the hands of the Party—this being, of course, the reason why the Nazis could afford to “decentralize.” On the local level, the reforms aimed at tying together the loosening bonds between the régime and the people. Only the most recent emergency measures of “total mobilization” are touched on in this note.1. Gauarbeitsaemter. When the Reichsanstalt was created in 1927–28, the Reich was organized in 13 economic regions, each having one regional labor office (Landesarbeitsamt). The idea was to establish large economic districts containing various industries so that a crisis in one industry could be absorbed by the labor market of another within the same district, thus creating “ausgleichsfaehige Bezirke.”

scholarly journals Burmese Attitude toward Chinese: Portrayal of the Chinese in Contemporary Cultural and Media Works

2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Zin
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Real Estate ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Chinese Migration ◽  
Significant Expression ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Military

This paper argues that since at least the mid 1980s, there has been an observable negative attitude among the people of Burma against the Chinese. Such sentiment is not just transient public opinion, but an attitude. The author measures it by studying contemporary cultural and media works as found in legally published expressions, so as to exclude any material rejected by the regime's censors. The causes of such sentiment are various: massive Chinese migration and purchases of real estate (especially in Upper Burma), Chinese money that is inflating the cost of everything, and cultural “intrusion.” The sentiment extends to the military, as well: the article examines a dozen memoirs of former military generals and finds that Burma's generals do not trust the Chinese, a legacy of China's interference in Burma's civil war until the 1980s. The public outcry over the Myitsone dam issue, however, was the most significant expression of such sentiment since 1969, when anti-Chinese riots broke out in Burma. The relaxation of media restrictions under the new government has allowed this expression to gather steam and spread throughout the country, especially in private weekly journals that are becoming more outspoken and daring in pushing the boundaries of the state's restrictions.

scholarly journals Pribumi Subaltern dalam Novel Lampuki Karya Arafat Nur (Kajian Poskolonial Gayatri C. Spivak)

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Sulistianawati Sulistianawati
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Underground Movements

ABSTRAKPribumi subaltern menjadi subjek nyata adanya gejolak penindasan oleh serdadu pemerintah dan gerakan bawah tanah dalam situasi Aceh yang telah beralih menjadi Daerah Operasi Mililiter. Tujuan penelitian ini mendeskripsikan penyalahgunaan tahta tertinggi, adanya pemberontakan gerakan bawah tanah sebagai bentuk perlawanan, dampaknya bagi kaum subaltern seperti pelecehan seksual, mentalitas down, dan dimiskinkan. Data diperoleh dengan teknik pustaka dari sumber tertulis berupa kata dan kalimat dalam novel kemudian dianalisis dengan metode analisa deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan dominasi kekuasaan penguasa superior yang menduduki tahta tertinggi, dua bentuk perlawanan berupa caci maki serta aksi pemberontakan, dan dampaknya bagi subaltern begitu signifikan memunculkan keterpurukan, semakin merajalela pelecehan seksual, mentalitas down akhirnya termiskinkan. Pada akhirnya subaltern semakin lemah, ketakutan dan tak berdaya. Adanya persekutuan pemberontak sebagai akibat mentalitas era kolonial yang masih menjarah pemikiran masyarakat. Pada dasarnya penjajahlah yang menjadi cikal bakal adanya teroris dan pemberontakan. Penelitian ini diharapkan memberikan sumbangsih untuk mendukung kebijakan pemerintah mendisiplinkan politik agar tidak mengalami carut-marut. Serta menjadi pengingat bagi masyarakat akan masih adanya gerakan bawah tanah dalam bentuk apapun yang mengancam keberlangsungan hidup masyarakat lain, dalam menghadapi kolonialisme yang masih berkembang hingga saat ini.Kata kunci: subaltern, poskolonial, perlawanan, pemberontakABSTRACTSubaltern natives are the real subject of the turmoil of oppression by government troops and underground movements in the Aceh situation which has turned into the Military Operations Area. The purpose of this study is to describe the abuse of the highest throne, the existence of an underground movement rebellion as a form of resistance, the impact on the subalterns such as sexual harassment, down mentality, and impoverished. Data obtained by library techniques from written sources in the form of words and sentences in the novel and then analyzed by descriptive analysis method. The results showed the dominance of the power of superior rulers who occupied the highest throne, two forms of resistance there are in the form of insults and acts of rebellion, and the impact on subalterns was so significant that it leds to adversity, increasingly rampant sexual harassment, the down mentality finally impoverished. In the end the subaltern is getting weaker, frightened and helpless. The existence of the rebel alliance is as a result of the mentality of the colonial era which still plundered the minds of the people. Basically, invaders are the embryo of terrorists and rebellion. This research is expected to contribute to support government policy to discipline politics. Therefore, it does not experience chaos. As well as a reminder to the public of the existence of underground movements in any form that threatens the survival of other communities, in the face of colonialism that is still developing today.Keyword: subaltern, postcolonial, resistance, rebel

scholarly journals Who is the Historian? The Formation of Modern Greek History and the Historical Community in the Short Twentieth Century

HISTOREIN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vangelis Karamanolakis
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Public ◽  
Modern Greek ◽  
Greek History ◽  
Professional Field ◽  
Civil War Era ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military

The position of historian emerged as a distinct academic and professional field in Greece in the last quarter of the 20th century. In an attempt to explore this “delay” in comparison to Western European countries, this article offers an overview of the making of the field of modern Greek history during the twentieth century. Starting from the gradual acknowledgment of the autonomy of modern Greek history in relation to classical and Byzantine studies, the article traces its evolution and its close ties to political and social developments. The prevalence of historical positivism and philological principles, along with the dominance of the ideology of national continuity – the latter enriched through the postwar ideologies of national-mindedness and anticommunism – led to the persistence of the “historian-philologist” until 1974. The fall of the military dictatorship in 1974, which marked the end of the post-Greek Civil War era, was a catalyst for the flowering of modern Greek studies and the formation of a small but distinct community of historians, who regularly intervened in the public sphere.

scholarly journals Analysis of Military and Public Participation in Disaster Rescue Operations in Ahoada East Local Government Area of Rivers State, Nigeria

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
G. O. Chukwu-Okeah ◽  
J. J. Ebubechukwu ◽  
E. B. Okemini
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Positive Outcome ◽  
Chi Square ◽  
Intelligence Gathering ◽  
The Public ◽  
Overall Acceptability ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Rivers State ◽  
The Military

The study was carried out basically to examine military and public participation in disaster rescue operations in Ahoada East L.G.A of Rivers State, Nigeria. Four objectives alongside one hypothesis were set out for the study. A total of 400 respondents were sampled for the study with the use of the Taro Yamane formula, but on distribution of copies of the questionnaire, only 370 copies were returned completely filled for the study. This was thereafter used in the analysis of the study alongside the Chi-Square analytical tool, which was used for hypothesis testing. The findings of the study revealed that the people partnered with the military in different segments of the study area towards disaster rescue, mostly on security and intelligence gathering. Military and public participation concentrated on disaster rescue operations. These rescue operations seem to have an impact on the people of the area. It is also revealed that the attitude of the Government to disaster rescue operations in the area has been positive and effective. The study has also revealed that statistically there is a significant impact of Military and public participation in disaster rescue operations. The study therefore recommended that there is a need for community participation in decision making for disaster management, as this will easily facilitate better communication leading to overall acceptability of the locals with the rescue operations. This positive outcome propagates the need for encouraging a close interaction and partnership between the public and the military. Based on the study outcome a partnership is being built. Such a development would ensure effective disaster rescue operations, monitoring, response recovery and preparedness.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Pelaksanaan Jaminan Kesehatan Oleh BPJS Kesehatan Dalam Perspektif Syariah

Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Financial Institution ◽  
Social Supports ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ministry Of Finance ◽  
Health Support ◽  
The Government

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.

GLOBALISASI BANGSA ARAB DI DUNIA MELAYU

2017 ◽  
pp. 59-82
Author(s):  
Siti Aisyah
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Education ◽  
Medium Of Instruction ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Books ◽  
Arabic Script

The Malay people made Arabic as the medium of instruction in the form of writing by the Malay community. The use of this script is known as Malay Arabic script by adding some Arabic letters by adjusting the sound with Malay language. The first stage of this writing as a communication in trade between the people of Indonesia with Arab traders, then the writers use it as script writing in Malay language. This writing continues to use it as the medium of instruction in Islamic education and teaching to the public. Then the scientists and scholars use it as well as writing characters in writing religious books such as fiqh, tafseer, hadith and tarekat and other writings. After that Malay Arabic script has become a national script of Malay society, including in Indonesia. The Malay Arabic script was used as a newspaper and magazine literature until the arrival of Europeans to the archipelago. Slowly after that Malay Arabic script is no longer used as a national writing script by Malays society including Indonesia.

Electing the Senate

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart III
Keyword(s):  
Original Data ◽  
State Legislators ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Senate Elections ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Seventeenth Amendment ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Process

From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.

The Influence of Modern Party System on the Development of Parliamentarism in Russia: Institutional, Political and Psychological Aspects

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Party System ◽  
Psychological Aspects ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Voting System ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Opinion Polls

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.

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