Measuring the Concentration of Power in Political Systems

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 461-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven J. Brams
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Distribution Of Power

The unequal distribution of power among the members of a political system is one of the most pervasive facts of political life. Yet, while many studies have confirmed the fact that a few members exercise disproportionate control over many others in most systems, the configurations of power relations that occur among the few have generally not been subjected to systematic comparative analysis. In a few notable empirical studies, attempts have been made to compare the exercise of power in different issue-areas and across different decisions. Comparative analyses have suffered, however, from the lack of any means to make tractable and compare, except in a qualitative way, schematic representations of power relations either in different political systems or over different issue-areas in the same system. When diagrams of power structures become complex and unwieldy, it is easiest to forget about making precise comparisons about the way power is distributed among decision-makers somehow identified as being influential in the political process.

Electoral system as a motivation to reforming political system- The Iraqi model

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Masses

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).

Ideological Correlates of Right Wing Political Alienation in Mexico

1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 656-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth F. Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Alienation ◽  
Partido Revolucionario Institucional ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
Scant Attention ◽  
Political Groups

Evaluations of single-party democracy in Mexico have yielded a substantial literature from the researches of contemporary scholars. Their primary subjects of treatment have been the institutionalized agents of moderation and compromise that have made Mexico one of Latin America's more stable political systems. In prosecuting these studies, however, only scant attention has been given to political groups outside the officially sanctioned “revolutionary famity” of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional. The PRI has maintained a virtual monopoly of elective and appointive offices since 1929 and traditionally has been thought of as affiliating to itself the only politically relevant groups in Mexico.Modern Mexican political life has always had its “out groups” and splinter parties. Mostly, they have come and gone, leaving little or no impact upon the political system which they have attempted to influence. Howard Cline has contended that opposition groups in Mexico find it impossible to woo the electorate away from the PRI and thus feel forced to adopt demagoguery and other extreme postures which serve only to reduce their popular appeal.

scholarly journals Discourse and Power Relations: A Critical Discourse Analysis of a Pakistani Talk Show

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-40
Author(s):  
Nayab Iqbal ◽  
Kaukab Abid Azhar ◽  
Zubair Ahmed Shah
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Talk Shows ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Talk Show ◽  
Turn Taking ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The One

The paper aims at studying the ways power and inequality are enacted in a Pakistani talk show aired on Capital TV on 14th August 2019. The research primarily focused on analyzing turn-taking patterns of the discussion held between the host of the program and three guests. The analysis revealed the unequal distribution of turns implying the unequal distribution of power between the host and guests as well as between the guests. The host of the program through her discourse asserted power as she was the one to control the topic of discussion throughout the program. Her power can be attributed to the power of media. Besides, one of the guest speakers, Jawwad asserted his power through his knowledge. The female speaker did not have enough representation and was not given enough chance to share her views, therefore, it can be concluded that gender was another element that played an important part in forming the power relations in the discussion that was observed.Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis, Discourse Power Relations, Media Discourse and Talk Shows, Turn-taking

Islam and Malay kingship

1981 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. C. Milner
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Significant Extent ◽  
Legal Doctrine ◽  
Seminal Work ◽  
A Minor

Islam is often seen as playing only a minor role in pre-colonial Malay political life. J. M. Gullick, for instance, in his seminal work Indigenous political systems of Western Malaya concludes that Islam “was not to any significant extent a ‘state religion’”. The “chaplains of the more devout Sultans and chiefs”, he explains, “never attained any collective importance in the political system owing to the lack of organization”; there were “no Kathis (Muslim judges and registrars) until the era of British protection”; and no evidence exists that “Islamic legal doctrine” was “effective law”?

Loddet er kastet: Om bruken av innbyggerpaneler i lokalpolitikken

2021 ◽  
pp. 253-283
Author(s):  
Sveinung Arnesen ◽  
Anne Lise Fimreite ◽  
Jacob Aars
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Internal Quality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Opinion Formation ◽  
External Quality ◽  
Starting Point

This chapter examines a citizens’ panel (a ‘mini-public’) that took place in the municipality of Bergen in 2018. We begin by discussing mini-publics as innovative measures to increase participation in political systems. In the literature, the internal quality of the panels – who is recruited and included on the panel and how opinion formation is organized – is emphasized. How mini-publics affect the political/representative political system – the external quality of the panels – has not been studied as thoroughly, and is therefore the analytical starting point for our chapter. In the empirical part of the chapter, we present the panel in Bergen, how it was recruited and organized, and the recommendations it made to decision-makers in the municipality. We also explore how citizens in Bergen assess these sorts of innovative democratic measures. The chapter ends with a discussion of the mini-public’s place in a representative democracy – are mini-publics supplements or alternatives?

The Dynamics of Coercion in the Malaysian Political Process

1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Barraclough
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Direct Bearing ◽  
Control And Management

The study of coercion and how it is applied within a political system is useful for a number of reasons. As a strategy of control and management it is in itself worthy of investigation. Moreover, an examination of how coercion is applied can tell us much about the nature of a particular polity. Indeed, as Weber emphasized, the state itself is distinguished from other political systems to the extent that it successfully upholds the claim to the legitimate application of force. The willingness of a regime to use coercion against opponents or dissidents, or to regulate the political participation of the ordinary citizenry, has a direct bearing upon such questions as human rights, democratic values, authoritarianism, and the degree of consensus within a given polity.

scholarly journals ESCALATION OF CRISIS IN POLITICAL SYSTEMS

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-198
Author(s):  
Lidiia Kostetska
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
The World

Transformational changes have been taking place in the political systems in many countries of the world over the last few decades. This issue arouses the great interest of scientists and researchers. In the article, I pay particular attention to the study of the “traditional” and “new” party systems and their role in the country’s contemporary political life. Given the challenge of the day, I see populism as a problem with its impact on democracy along with such issues as the role of populist parties and the citizens’ attitude to them; the analysis of problems developing in the political process, particularly, in parties and movements of the populist type; the formation and development of multi-party systems and democracy as a whole.Populism is considered in the article as a political ideology. This phenomenon is investigated as a component of the political parties’ activities, especially, of the Ukrainian parties. A comparative analysis of populist parties in the European Union and Ukraine has been carried out.I analyze the main factors of populism’s influence on the party-political system on the examples of the European countries and Ukraine. I also prove that populism has always occupied a special place in the implementation of programs of political leaders and parties. It is noted that populism remains the current day phenomenon of both the party-political system and the socio-economic life of the countries in the world. Having a considerable influence over the politics of the countries, where functioning of democratic institutions is relatively inexperienced, populism has a rather clear manifestation in the modern political space and the “old” democracies. There is a clear link between increasing populism and exacerbating socio-economic problems. The inability of the political establishment, including the democratic one, to respond effectively to new problems and challenges is an important factor contributing to the emergence and growth of populist influence.The in-depth analysis of the populist rhetorical and political effects on the development of modern democracy is particularly important, i. e. the margins between the reality and virtuality, truth and falsehood are leveling; facts lose their value; deconstruction of truth takes place; traditional ideologies are destroyed; moral relativism, hypocrisy and  double standards are spreading out.

scholarly journals Central Asian States in the International Rankings of Democracy Development

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-393
Author(s):  
Elena G. Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Soviet Legacy ◽  
The Masses

Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.

scholarly journals CONSTİTUTİONAL SYSTEMS, ATHENS AND SPARTA, ADMİNİSTRATİVE SYSTEM.

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (08) ◽  
pp. 135-148
Author(s):  
OMRAN AHMED HUSSEİN AL-SHARIF
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Administrative System ◽  
Greek City ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
History Of ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
City State

This research studies the development of constitutional systems among the Greeks in the cities of Athens and Sparta, in terms of the political and administrative system from the year 800 to 300 BC, that is, since the emergence of the first stages of the history of the Athenian constitution in the monarchy era, through the aristocratic and oligarchic regimes and the rule of tyrants, to the democratic system in Athens. Whereas every Greek city had its own political system that distinguishes it from others, which the nature of the terrain of their country contributed the greatest contribution to, as well as the idea of self-sufficiency for each Greek city, and the boldness of Greek thought. Rather, they took their position in the kingdom of thought and had the courage to research and ask questions to themselves and sought to perceive the universe in the light of reason. Therefore, a political system appeared in every city known as the city-state system. Thus, the Greek civilization provided for the development of political thought unless other human civilizations provided it. What the Greek philosophers presented in political thought during the fifth and fourth centuries BC still represents the basis on which modern political systems were built, and the research aims to To reveal the importance of the geography of the land of the Greeks, and its impact on their civilization, and to highlight the role of Greek philosophers in matters related to the organization of the state and government, and to trace the development of constitutional systems among the Greeks from the monarchy era to the democratic system in Athens, and to identify the reasons for the stagnation of political life in Sparta under the monarchy. The importance of study and research in this subject is due to the fact that it clarifies the opinions and ideas of the Greek philosophers on constitutional systems, and thus it is an attempt to add even a small part to the history of the constitutional systems of the Greeks‎‎. Keywords: Constitutional Systems, Athens and Sparta, Administrative System.

Political System Transparency and Monetary Commitment Regimes

2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Lawrence Broz
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Exchange Rates ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Fixed Exchange Rates ◽  
Government Interference ◽  
The Government

Central bank independence (CBI) and fixed exchange rates are alternative monetary commitments that differ in transparency. While CBI is opaque and difficult to monitor, a commitment to a fixed exchange rate is easily observed. Political systems also vary in terms of transparency. I argue that the transparency of monetary commitments and the transparency of political systems are substitutes. Where political decision making is opaque (autocracies), governments must look to a commitment that is more transparent and constrained (fixed exchange rates) than the government itself. The transparency of the monetary commitment substitutes for the transparency of the political system to engender low inflation. Where the political process is transparent (democracies), a formal commitment to CBI can produce lower inflation because private agents and the political opposition are free to detect and punish government interference with the central bank. Statistical results indicate that (1) autocracies are more likely to adopt exchange-rate pegs than democracies, and (2) CBI is effective in limiting inflation in nations with high levels of political transparency.

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