تغطية النشرات الإخبارية في القنوات الفضائية الفلسطينية والعربية لقضايا الأسرى الفلسطينيين المضربين عن الطعام

ملخص: سعت الدراسة لرصد وتحليل خصائص وسمات التغطية الإخبارية لقضايا الأسرى الفلسطينيين المضربين عن الطعام في النشرات الإخبارية الرئيسية بالفضائيات الفلسطينية والعربية، وقد اعتمدت على منهج المسح فيما يتعلق بالنشرات الإخبارية في قناة فلسطين وقناة الجزيرة باستخدام صحيفة تحليل المضمون، من خلال المسح بالعينة للنشرات الإخبارية الرئيسية لمدة ثلاثة وستين يوماً وهى مدة الإضراب من تاريخ 23/4/2014م وحتى 25/6/2014م. اتضح من خلال نتائج الدراسة أن القنوات الفضائية أعطت اهتماماً كبيراً لأخبار الأسرى الفلسطينيين المضربين عن الطعام وقضاياهم بنشراتها الإخبارية مع تفاوت نسب الاهتمام من قناة إلى أخرى، فجاءت الأحداث والقضايا الاجتماعية والنفسية في مقدمة تلك القضايا، يليها القضايا الأمنية، ثم القضايا السياسية، فالقضايا الاقتصادية، وأخيراً القضايا العسكرية. ركزت قناة الجزيرة على عرض أحداث الأسرى الفلسطينيين وقضاياهم باستخدام خبر واحد فقط بالاعتماد على أكثر من شكل إخباري، في حين ركزت قناة فلسطين على تقديم أكثر من خبرين في النشرة الواحدة باستخدام الخبر والتقرير المصاحب له، كما تنوع الشكل الإخباري المستخدم في القنوات عينة الدراسة، فجاء على رأسها تقديم الخبر عن طريق مذيع مع تقارير المراسلين، وتراجع نقل الخبر مباشرة من موقع الحدث إلى الترتيب الأخير، واتضح أن هناك ارتفاعاً في نسبة اعتماد هذه القنوات على مصادرها الذاتية في معالجتها الإخبارية لهذه القضايا. تنوعت عناصر التعبير المرئية والصوتية المستخدمة في تقديم قضايا الأسرى، وتمثل ذلك باستخدام تقارير المراسلين وتقارير الأستوديو، كما تنوعت عناصر الإبراز المستخدمة في تقديمها، مما يدلل على الأهمية النسبية التي تحظى بها هذه القضايا في المعالجة الإخبارية بالفضائيات الفلسطينية والعربية. الكلمات المفتاحية: الأسرى الفلسطينيين، إضراب الأسرى عن الطعام، قناة فلسطين، قناة الجزيرة، التغطية الإخبارية. Abstract This study seeks to record and analyze the properties and the characteristics of The news coverage of the cases of the Palestinian Prisoners’ Hunger Strike in the basic newscasts broadcasted in the Palestinian and Arab SatelliteChannels. The study used the survey methodology for the sample of the newscasts broadcasted on Palestine Channel and Al Jazeera News Channel to analyze the coverage of the cases of the prisoners’ hunger strike mentioned in the newscasts by using the content analysis sheet. The two satellite channels gave a large interest in the news and the cases of the Palestinian prisoners’ hunger strike with the variance in the interest percentages from a channel to the other. The news and the social and psychological cases came at the top of the cases of the Palestinian prisoners’ hunger strike, followed by a coverage for the security cases, the political cases, the economical cases and finally the military cases. The results revealed an increase in the dependence on self-sources in the news coverage in both channels. In addition, the results reported an absence of dependence on the Palestinian media sources in Al Jazeera Channel while Palestine Channel depended on and transferred from the Israeli Media Sources in its news coverage for the cases of the prisoners. Keywords: Palestine Channel, Al Jazeera Channel, News Coverage, Palestinian Prisoners’ Hunger Strike, Satellite Newscasts.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Sari Hanafi

This study investigates the preachers and their Friday sermons in Lebanon, raising the following questions: What are the profiles of preachers in Lebanon and their academic qualifications? What are the topics evoked in their sermons? In instances where they diagnosis and analyze the political and the social, what kind of arguments are used to persuade their audiences? What kind of contact do they have with the social sciences? It draws on forty-two semi-structured interviews with preachers and content analysis of 210 preachers’ Friday sermons, all conducted between 2012 and 2015 among Sunni and Shia mosques. Drawing from Max Weber’s typology, the analysis of Friday sermons shows that most of the preachers represent both the saint and the traditional, but rarely the scholar. While they are dealing extensively with political and social phenomena, rarely do they have knowledge of social science


1953 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 30-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. S. Staveley

Livy preserves two explanations of the Senatorial decision of 445 B.C. to suspend the election of consuls and to confer imperium consulare upon tribuni militum. One, which he himself accepts, is that it was a political compromise designed to appease agitation for plebeian representation in the consulship. The other is that the military situation demanded the appointment of at least three holders of imperium. Until some forty years ago the majority of scholars, even if ready to admit that the reform had military advantages, joined with Livy in laying the chief emphasis on the political motive. More recently, however, the tendency has been to disown the connection between the innovation and the struggle for office. The change is explained as necessitated wholly by growing military commitments or administrative needs. My purpose here is merely to defend once again the traditional account that the decision of 445 B.C. marked an important stage in the Struggle of the Orders and to remove the major difficulties which have discouraged its acceptance.


1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Jacob

DURING the late 1950S and early 19605, Israel mounted an active campaign of aid to Africa, which took three main forms: technical help in agriculture, joint commercial ventures, and military assistance. Of the three, the military and quasi-military programmes made the most considerable mark in Africa;1 they were also an important part of Israel's overall foreign policy, in an attempt to gain political influence through military aid, and thus to help overcome her isolation in the Middle East. Israel's military assistance to Africa illustrates several important aspects of foreign aid. This article deals mainly with the political motives of the donor country, and the various ways in which it may be concerned to influence the actions of the recipient government. Later, there is some discussion of the social and cultural barriers to the transfer of military and para-military organisations from one culture to another.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
EkramBadr El-din ◽  
Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh

The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in political life in the shadow of the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania? The study aims at understanding reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life. To discuss this phenomenon and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted for concluding key results that may contribute to understand reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life in Turkey and Mauritania in the aftermath democratization occurred in the two countries. The study concluded that the military establishment in both countries engaged in the political action and became ready to militarily intervene in the case of harming its interests and acquisitions. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 347-381
Author(s):  
Michele Goulart Massuchin ◽  
Regilson Furtado Borges

Este artigo apresenta uma análise sobre como o jornal O Estado do Maranhão (MA) se apropria da sua página no Facebook como espaço para difundir conteúdo jornalístico. A abordagem metodológica é quantitativa e qualitativa a partir da análise do conteúdo de 608 posts extraídos da fanpage do jornal e de entrevista com a responsável pela versão digital do veículo. A pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as características dos conteúdos distribuídos pela rede social, especialmente observando o espaço destinado para temas políticos e eleitorais. A análise trabalha com as seguintes características: temas, tema eleitoral, abrangência, valência e interação. Como resultado principal ressalta-se que O Estado do Maranhão concedeu espaço considerável para o tema político-eleitoral, com baixa presença de entretenimento.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Jornalismo; redes sociais; eleições.   ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of how the newspaper O Estado de Maranhão (MA) appropriates the Facebook page as a space for disseminating journalistic content. The methodological approach is quantitative and qualitative from the content analysis of 608 posts extracted from the fanpage of the newspaper and interview with the responsible for digital part of the vehicle. The research aims to analyze the characteristics of the contents distributed by the social network, especially observing the space destined for electoral subjects. The analysis discuses these characteristics: themes, electoral theme, scope and engagement. As a main result, O Estado do Maranhão granted considerable space for the political-electoral theme.   KEYWORDS: journalism; social networks; elections.     RESUMEN Este artículo presenta un análisis sobre cómo el diario El Estado de Maranhão (MA) se apropia de su página en Facebook como espacio para difundir contenido periodístico. El enfoque metodológico es cuantitativo y cualitativo a partir del análisis del contenido de 608 posts extraídos de la fanpage del periódico y de entrevista con la responsable de la parte digital del vehículo. La investigación tiene por objetivo analizar las características de los contenidos distribuidos por la red social, especialmente observando el espacio destinado a temas electorales. El análisis trabaja con las siguientes características: temas, tema electoral, alcance y la relación com os lectores. Como resultado principal se resalta que el Estado de Maranhão concedió espacio considerable para el tema político-electoral.   PALABRAS CLAVE: periodismo, redes sociales, elecciones.  


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamed El-Bendary

It was the first Gulf War in 1991 which led to the satellite television explosion in the Arab world. Arabs then knew about Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait through CNN. Today, Arab satellite channels reach almost every Arab capital and many Middle Eastern and African nations — from Mauritania on the Atlantic coast to Iran in the east, from Syria in the north to Djibouti in the south. This battle for the airwaves and boom in satellite channels in the Arab world has become both a tool for integration and dispersion. It is raising a glimpse of hope that the flow of information will no longer be pouring from the West to the East, but from the East to the West. Questions, however, remain about the credibility of news coverage by Arabic networks like the maverick Qatar-based al-Jazeera and whether Arab journalists adhere to journalistic norms upheld in the West.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 288-303
Author(s):  
Ghozian Aulia Pradhana ◽  
◽  
Syaifa Tania ◽  

This study aims to reveal how hyperreality is reflected in using the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag on social media. The death of an African-American, George Floyd, that involved white police, has sparked outrage and demonstrations in many U.S. states. Issues pertaining to racism sparked in relation to the event, and many people protested demanding justice. The demand for justice then went into a wave of massive global protests both in offline and online realities—the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag was widely used on social media when protests were held. The #BlackLivesMatter hashtag even became a trending topic on several social media platforms, as if everyone was concerned about the issue and aiming for the same purpose. However, we might find several posts that neither reflected nor were related to the case. Some social media users put the hashtag even though their content substance was not related. This phenomenon then led to a condition of hyperreality in questioning reality from a simulation of reality. The method used in this study is content analysis which measures the sentiment of comments on Twitter and Instagram. The study found that social networking sites mobilised online movements even though they were not directly related to the #BlackLivesMatter movement. On the other hand, hashtag activism reduced the true meaning of the social movement. Therefore, the hyperreality in #BlackLivesMatter could not be seen any longer as a form of massive protests demanding justice and ending violence, but merely to gain more digital presence on social media. Keywords: Black lives matter, movement, social media, hyperreality, hashtag activism.


Author(s):  
Willibald Rosner

War and Peace. Land and Military in Direct Confrontation 1797–1918. This chapter focuses on the extremes in relations between the land and the military. The first part deals with the period until 1866, when wars actually took place on Lower Austrian soil and foreign forces were stationed in the land. Here the analysis centres on strategies developed by the population to cope with extraordinary situations. The second section deals with the emergence of the military as a state regulatory power in the sphere of internal and public security in war and peace. The social conflicts following the Vormärz and the political movements in the second half of the 19th century played a role here, as did the First World War, when, although Lower Austria was not a frontline area, the military were the dominant factor in terms of internal security, public control, working life and food security.


Author(s):  
Nilay Yavuz ◽  
Naci Karkın ◽  
İsmet Parlak ◽  
Özlem Özdeşim Subay

Along with the growing use of twitter as a tool of political interaction, recently, there has also been an attention in the academia to understand and explain how and why politicians use twitter, and what its impact on the political outcomes are. On the other hand, there has been little analysis about the content of the tweets that politicians from different parties posted during major political events. Accordingly, this study aims to investigate the discourse strategies that the top-level politicians of the party in power and of the main opposition party in Turkey used in their tweets during Gezi Park events in the summer of 2013. Findings from a hand-coded content analysis based on Van Dijk's framework (2006) indicate that while the most frequently used strategy was actor descriptions and categorization for both parties' politicians, burden strategy and lexicalization / metaphor strategy were used significantly more by the main opposition party politicians compared to the politicians of the party in power.


Author(s):  
Mónica Ricketts

The final chapter discusses in parallel the political histories of Spain and Peru in the final years of imperial rule in South America. Peru did not experience a long national struggle and lacked large elites committed to independence. As in the old metropolis, a constant and violent struggle between men of letters and military officers dominated. After decades of military reform and war, army officers with experience in command and government felt entitled to rule. Old subjects and new citizens were also accustomed to seeing them lead. Men of letters, on the other hand, found limited opportunities to exercise their new authority despite their ambitions. Additionally, both in Spain and Peru, liberal men of letters failed to create a new institutional order in which the military would be subjected to civilian rule. It would take decades for both parts of the former Spanish monarchy to accomplish that goal and allow for peace.


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