Economic Restructuring and the Rise of Market Liberalism

Author(s):  
Bruce K. Rutherford

This chapter observes that the implementation of market-oriented economic policies since 1991 has strengthened the political influence of the business community. By June 2000, the government had sold a controlling interest in roughly one-third of the enterprises that it owned, with a sale value of about 12.3 billion LE. Egypt's most powerful businessmen have used this opportunity to articulate a distinctive conception of market liberalism through the publications of a prominent think tank, the Egyptian Center for Economic Studies. The chapter documents and analyzes this view of the state, law, and the economy. It also notes that this approach to market liberalism has been adopted by the ruling National Democratic Party and implemented by the reformist prime minister who assumed power in 2004 (Ahmad Nazif).

Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Tomaž Krpič

Under the proportional representation (PR) electoral system in Slovenia, after elections, coalition governments have formed. However, the coalition partners have also adopted a ‘dropping out from government’ strategy between elections, which in some cases has led to minority governments. This has occurred despite a frequent use of several conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution mechanisms. One such mechanism, coalition agreements, are mostly understood in terms of policy agreements. After each election in the period 1992–2000, the leading party, the LDS, signed a coalition agreement with each coalition partner. Since 2013, such coalition agreements include a mechanism of explicitly stating in coalition agreements that certain issues are to be avoided. Regardless, governments termination in majority cases happened due to different (policy or personal) conflicts within the government. Early in the period, government coalitions were ideologically mixed. This was characteristic for governments under LDS leadership from 1992 to 2004, while after the 2004 elections, the governmental coalitions were much more ideologically homogenous. Alternation between like-minded ideological coalitions (centre-left or centre-right) took place. Simultaneously, the main lines of conflict changed. In the 1990s, initially a mostly ideological cleavage between ‘transformed’ and ‘newly established’ political parties was present, while after the 2004 elections, the economic cleavage became more salient. All parliamentary parties, except the Slovenian National Party, have at least briefly participated in governments, while the Democratic Party of Retired Persons have been since the mid-1990s the party with the biggest coalition potential. Since 2011, small parties have received pivotal roles in coalition formation. Generally speaking, participation in the government has not been electorally rewarding for the political parties.


Subject Government-business relations. Significance President Evo Morales’s government has established a collaborative working relationship with the country’s most powerful business elites that belies its leftist rhetoric. This is based on an understanding that while government offers large corporate interests favourable economic conditions, business groups will refrain from conspiring against the government in the political sphere. Thus, the government has managed to minimise the sort of pro-regional tensions that characterised its first term in office (2006-10), driving a wedge between economic and political elites. Impacts The economic policies pursued by the Morales administration will continue to prove, broadly, good for business. Smaller-scale businesses have been less beneficially treated, but lack political lobbying power. Avoidance of strife with the more powerful business groups will continue to help underpin political stability.


1990 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne O Krueger

By the 1970s and early 1980s, governments in most developing countries were mired down in economic policies that were manifestly unworkable. Whether market failures had been present or not, most knowledgeable observers concluded that there had been colossal government failures. In many countries, there could be little question but that government failure significantly outweighed market failure. This essay focuses on insights relating directly to government behavior affecting economic activity and economic growth in developing countries. It briefly examines each of the following questions: 1) What is “the government”? 2) What is the comparative advantage of government? 3) What are the dynamics of government intervention? 4) Can a positive theory of political behavior be formulated that will help explain when and how alternative policies will evolve in the political arena?


1963 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry N. Scheiber

In September 1833, Andrew Jackson issued an executive order ending deposit of Federal funds in the Bank of the United States, which had been the government depository since 1817. The culmination of Jackson's long struggle with the Bank and its friends in Congress, this measure closed a chapter in the political history of the era. To the conservative Jacksonians, “victory over the Bank of the United States was a consummation” that freed the state banks and business enterprise from the control of a powerful and despised institution. To the radical, hard-money faction of the Democratic party, however, “removal of the deposits” (as the order was popularly termed) was merely a first step toward more fundamental reform—elimination of the monetary disturbances that they attributed to reliance on bank paper for the currency of the country. Because of this divergence of views, partisan and factional disputes over Jacksonian financial policy did not cease with victory over the Bank. Central to the continuing debate was the relationship of die Treasury Department to the group of state-chartered banks, usually called the “pet banks,” in which Federal funds were deposited after September 1833. My purpose here is to review Treasury operations in die period 1833–1841, to suggest the political role of die pet banks and the economic impact of financial policy in die administrations of Jackson and Van Buren.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (101) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
عبد الجبار محمود فتاح ◽  
داود عبد الجبار احمد

     The use of economic resources enjoyed Iraq by especially oil resources, which constitute the main source of financial revenue, would the economic surplus outside the oil sector increases by mobilizing and rallying the labor power and turn it into an access capitalism, , was the cause of "the inaction of the productive sectors of the economy, made the investment planning process and even investment in human capital was not rationality with the increasing number of unemployed, particularly certificates and specializations high campaign, direction of the government towards market liberalism after 2003 through the, was focused not follow a clear economic policies, and the absence of planning, and the absence of rational allocation of economic resources, led to a waste by human capital and investment in                        Market liberalism                        


Author(s):  
Kvasha Oksana

Effective counteraction to corruption at all levels is not possible without the symbiosis of such components as influencing the causes and conditions of corruption, creating systemic anti-corruption legislation, its effective application to all without exception manifestations of corruption in all levels of state power. However, such a symbiosis can only produce a positive result if the political will of the state leadership is available. I would call it a "conditio sine qua non" (a condition without which there is) overcoming corruption in the country, because in Latin "conditio sine qua non" means "a necessary condition", a necessary condition for the result. Political will in combating corruption is not only the will of the political leader (head of state) as an individual, but also the will of individuals from his immediate environment. Only political will is capable of ensuring the effectiveness of all other necessary components of counteracting corruption. The political will of the leadership of the state is a conditio sine qua non of minimizing corruption in the country, that is, a condition without which effective counteraction to corruption and corruption crime in Ukraine is impossible. The presence of political will is a prerequisite in the chain of others who are not capable of effectively preventing the spread of corruption in the absence of political will of the government. No other political conditions, economic, social or legislative levers will succeed in reducing corruption. Therefore, a promising direction for further research on this issue is the development of a scientifically sound mechanism for political influence of the government on the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures in Ukraine.


Gesnerus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-122
Author(s):  
Hadrien Buclin

In 1974, the Swiss citizens voted against a popular initiative aimed at reforming the health insurance, launched by the Swiss Socialist Party. They refused as well a less ambitious counter-proposal elaborated by the government. This failure of the left-wing reformers is worthy of interest. This was, indeed, the main attempt until now to implement a healthcare subsidization based on social funding that would provide a wide risk coverage. In fact, shortly after the vote, the emerging economic crisis rather reinforced the advocates of a limitation of social welfare benefits. This durably hindered the political Left’s hopes of transforming in depth the Swiss healthcare system. The 1974 failure of the socialist initiative thus contributed to strengthen the conservative model, which received support from right-wing forces and the business community.


Significance The leading candidates for the presidential contest set out their agendas at the annual meeting of business executives (CADE) on December 3-4. The campaign, aggressive and personalised, had so far lacked policy substance. With each candidate supporting the continuance of business-friendly economic policies and backing measures to clamp down on public insecurity and corruption, they were at pains to distinguish themselves one from another. The dispersion of parties and candidates still makes a second round likely. Impacts With the political focus increasingly on the election, support for the government may recover slightly over the next six months. The main thrust of campaigning will remain highly personalised. The lack of any strong party system means that the mass media will play a decisive role in shaping voter preferences. The left, lacking funding and organisation, is unlikely to flourish.


1970 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Kinsbruner

For Several reasons the British merchants resident in Chile after the establishment of the patriot government in February, 1817, were in a position to exert political pressure. For one thing, they were beginning to increase in numbers and to prosper. For another, Supreme Director Bernardo O’Higgins, whose father was Irish and who himself had lived and studied in England, was predisposed toward the British and their brand of liberalism. The question of recognition was also important. After independence was declared in 1818, the government made a concerted effort to win recognition from the foreign powers. Attention was centered on Great Britain. But perhaps the most consequential factor was the potential role of the British navy.


1980 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Gregory

It is sometimes argued that what helps to limit the political influence exercised by elected representatives in the United Kingdom on behalf of those they represent is the inability of MPs to ‘command the power of the executive’. Some MPs, however, are also members of the Government, and do command the power of the executive. This article examines the circumstances in which a fusion of constituency interest and executive power may occur. It concludes that as regards individual grievances, ‘constituency specific’ policy decisions, and matters of ‘high policy’ with a particular impact on their own constituencies, a variety of safeguards and constraints considerably restricts, if it does not eliminate entirely, the scope for constituency-motivated influence on Ministerial decisions.


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