scholarly journals Caliphate; is it Theological Inevitability or Sociological Experimentation?

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 60
Author(s):  
M Ilham Kamil ◽  
Abdul Syatar ◽  
Muhammad Majdy Amiruddin
Keyword(s):  
Public Reason ◽  
The State ◽  
Moral Principle ◽  
Modern Life ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Normative Foundation ◽  
State Practice ◽  
Realistic Choice ◽  
The Relationship

The main objective of this study was to investigate the ontological status of the caliphate as a sociological experimentation. The study was a library research which adopted a descriptive analytical method through reading various literatures with a philosophical historical approach. The data were obtained from a variety of credible literature and other various supporting information then presented with a strong analytical instrument based on the normative foundation and thoughts of the figures to generate a deeper elaboration of ideas. The result showed that the relationship between religion and the state was a matter of pure contact with public reason. The absence of religious sharih texts in state matters, including models and singular forms of state practice, is an indisputable reason for the profanity of the Khilafah. The state practices exemplified by the Prophet and Companions were nothing more than sociological experiments. The experiment of the Prophet and purely sociological relative is not a theological necessity. The state is in principle an institution designed to realize benefit as the highest moral principle and locus of the view of the universal will. As an alternative to the caliphate model which is outdated and impossible to revive, a democratic state is a realistic choice because it is in accordance with the development of modern life and is an effort to approach universal human values

scholarly journals DEBATE OF ISLAM AND COUNTRIES IN THE CONSTITUANTE BOARD, 1956-1959

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 155-174
Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Basic Group ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.

The Double Life of Dissent: Art, Politics and the Predicaments of Democracy in India

2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Malvika Maheshwari
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
Art Market ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Dynamic Patterns ◽  
The Relationship

The article focuses on two moments in India’s political history, in which out-rightly expressed dissent underlines analytical shifts in the nature and course of the country’s democracy. It asks two questions: First, what does a self-proclaimed, democratic state do with peaceful dissenting artists? The second question follows from this. If indeed the state stigmatizes and suppresses that dissent, what does the artist do? By foregrounding the relationship between the dissent and offence-taking, the article shows the increasingly complex changes in the nature of the democratic state, role of the art market therein, the dynamic patterns of dissent itself, which underline the cyclic outbursts of violence against artists.

Business and Politics

2019 ◽  
pp. 234-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Harriss ◽  
Andrew Wyatt
Keyword(s):  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Illegal Activities ◽  
The Relationship

The political economy of Tamil Nadu presents a puzzle: in spite of politics that are generally considered to be unhelpful to development, the state does relatively well in terms both of economic growth and of human development. The chapter argues that Tamil Nadu is neither a developmental nor a social democratic state, while having some of the features of both. It is, rather, characterized by Bonapartism. While the state has generally been supportive of big business, the relationship between the corporate sector and the political elite is distinctly “arm’s-length.” The power and influence of business groups has not “grown enormously,” as has been claimed elsewhere. Tamil politicians do not rely for financial resources on big business but have their own sources of finance, some of them in semilegal or illegal activities such as sand mining and granite quarrying.

Literature and Science: The State of the Field in Korean Studies

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-239
Author(s):  
Jongyon Hwang
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Western Science ◽  
Literature And Science ◽  
Disciplinary Knowledge ◽  
Modern Life ◽  
Korean Literature ◽  
Korean Studies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Literary Innovation ◽  
State Of The Field

Abstract The relationship between Western science and Korean literature is one of the topics that has drawn much attention from scholars in the field of Korean studies for the last decade. The focus on disciplinary knowledge of science as a source for literary innovation has yielded new insights into the formation and development of modern Korean literature. However, the task remains to locate multifaceted connections between literature and science by distinguishing connecting links such as concept, rhetoric, genre, and culture and to historicize the compromises and oppositions between them as different responses to the changing conditions of modern life.

scholarly journals The Role of Securitization in the Relationship Between State and Religion—The Example of the Kyrgyz Republic

2021 ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Zrinka Štimac ◽  
Indira Aslanova
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Organizations ◽  
Kyrgyz Republic ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractIn this paper, we discuss the challenges of developing secular framework in relation to religion in Kyrgyzstan, the first Central Asian republic where democratic institutions were established after the collapse of the Soviet Union and which has been strongly challenged in maintaining its democratic achievements during the Tulip Revolution and other revolts in 2010 and 2020. The question we aim to answer is how processes of securitization shape the relationship between state institutions and religious organizations, knowing that Kyrgyzstan is still influenced both by the Soviet understanding of secularism and by models of secularity and governance from countries and societies with different histories and conditions of development. We look at different phases of the relationship between state and religion starting with the regime change and the establishment of a democratic state. Secondly, the establishing of a legal framework for state policy on religious organizations. Thirdly, the time of the adoption of measures to protect the interests of all citizens, believers and non-believers, and the beginning of the process of active influence of state policy on the situation in the religious sphere. And finally, the new (mis)understanding of the relations between the state and religion, both on the side of the state and religious organizations. Our theoretical point of departure is the concept of securitization, and from there on we take a discursive approach focusing on the different actors in this arena, such as state institutions and the various religious organizations and groups.

scholarly journals RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA: TELAAH PEMIKIRAN POLITIK SOEKARNO DAN FAZLUR RAHMAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-91
Author(s):  
Sudarti Sudarti
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Method ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The People ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Relationship

  The author in this study wanted to see the similarities and differences in the political thoughts of Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman about the relationship between religion and the state. The type of research used is library research with a descriptive-comparative method. The results showed that Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman had a different paradigm in viewing the relationship between religion and state. Soekarno has a secularistic paradigm that separates religion and state to be implemented in Indonesia, while Fazlur Rahman has an Integralistic paradigm in which religion (Islam) and the state cannot be separated (integrated). However, these two figures agree that the sovereignty of a country is in the hands of the people and do not agree with the theory of God's sovereignty because God has never acted as politically sovereign nor as a maker of laws or laws. Keywords: Secularistic Paradigm, Integralistic Paradigm, God's Sovereignty.  

scholarly journals Cataluña, federalismo y pluralismo político

2016 ◽  
pp. 449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paloma Biglino Campos
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Central State ◽  
Autonomous Communities ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

Históricamente, el federalismo nace en Estados Unidos estrechamente ligado a la necesidadde garantizar el pluralismo político y social. El texto analiza las quiebras que esta relación está experimentandoen el proceso soberanista que ha comenzado en Cataluña. La idea de nación invocada por los sectoresindependentistas, la lectura plebiscitaria de las elecciones de 27 de septiembre de 2015 y la tramitación parlamentariade la declaración de independencia debilitan la pluralidad que caracteriza a las organizacionesterritoriales compuestas. Ahora bien, estos acontecimientos tienen que ser analizados también en un contextomás amplio, esto es, teniendo en cuenta la forma de gobierno que se ha implantado en nuestras ComunidadesAutónomas y la manera en que se configuran las instituciones del Estado central. En las primeras, la relaciónentre el gobierno y el parlamento se ha desequilibrado en favor de los ejecutivos, propiciando un predominio delpresidente que premia a las mayorías en perjuicio de los derechos de las minorías. En el caso del Estado, espreciso acometer una reforma profunda de la Constitución y de normas infra constitucionales, con el objetivo deincrementar la capacidad integradora de la entidad central y dar respuesta a algunas de las reivindicacionesque, originarias de Cataluña, son compatibles con los presupuestos del federalismo en un Estados sociales ydemocrático de Derecho.Federalism has been closely linked to the need of ensuring political and social pluralismsince its origins in the Philadelphia Convention. This paper analyzes the limitations that this relationshiphas undergone in the independence process that has begun in Catalonia. The idea of nation invoked by thesupporters of the independence, the plebiscitarian interpretation of the elections of 27 September 2015, and the passing of the declaration of sovereignty in the Catalonian Parliament weaken the plurality that characterizesfederal States. The paper also examines these events in a broader context, that is, taking into account theform of government that has been implemented in our Autonomous Communities, and the way in which theinstitutions of the central State are set up. In the Autonomous Communities, the relationship between governmentand parliament has become unbalanced in favor of the executive. It leads to a predominance of the presidentthat benefits the majority to the detriment of the rights of minorities. In the case of the State, it is indispensableto undertake a deep reform of the Constitution and inferior laws, in order to increase the inclusivenessof the central power and to give a proper answer to those Catalonian claims that are compatible with the socialand democratic State of Law.

Emotion Appraisals Predict Neuroticism and Extraversion

2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Andrew Comensoli ◽  
Carolyn MacCann
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
The State ◽  
The Relationship

The current study proposes and refines the Appraisals in Personality (AIP) model in a multilevel investigation of whether appraisal dimensions of emotion predict differences in state neuroticism and extraversion. University students (N = 151) completed a five-factor measure of trait personality, and retrospectively reported seven situations from the previous week, giving state personality and appraisal ratings for each situation. Results indicated that: (a) trait neuroticism and extraversion predicted average levels of state neuroticism and extraversion respectively, and (b) five of the examined appraisal dimensions predicted one, or both of the state neuroticism and extraversion personality domains. However, trait personality did not moderate the relationship between appraisals and state personality. It is concluded that appraisal dimensions of emotion may provide a useful taxonomy for quantifying and comparing situations, and predicting state personality.

Relasi Agama dan Demokrasi; Telaah Kritis Eksistensi Partai Islam Di Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-404
Author(s):  
Nur Khasanah ◽  
Achmad Irwan Hamzani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Cultural Anthropology ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Actual Reality ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Islamic Political Parties ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Religion And Democracy

AbstractThis study discusses the relation between religion and democracy; critical examination of the existence of Islamic parties in Indonesia. This study is a qualitative study based on library (library research). The approach used is descriptive qualitative which aims to illustrate or describe the reality that exists or what is happening or the actual reality of the object under study. Then interpreted in the form of a report. The approach used is the cultural anthropology approach. The results of this study indicate that Muslims interpret the relationship of religion and democracy to occur in three models, namely the negative, neutral and positive models. In the context of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, the basic problem is the inability of parties to package democratic issues, starting from the emergence of religious sentiment, politicization of religion, political pragmatism in PKS parties. Furthermore, the PPP party has problems with party regeneration, leadership dualism, and political attitudes. Whereas the UN party is seen in the absence of a leader figure and political culture.Keywords: Religion, Democracy, Islamic Party AbstrakStudi ini membahas tentang relasi agama dan demokrasi; telaah kritis eksistensi Partai-Partai Islam di Indonesia. Kajian ini merupakan studi kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research). Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran atau mendeskripsikan kenyataan yang ada atau apa yang terjadi atau kenyataan sebenarnya pada obyek yang diteliti. Kemudian diinterprestasikan dalam bentuk laporan. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan antropologi budaya. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa kaum muslim memaknai bahwa relasi agama dan demokrasi terjadi dalam tiga model, yakni model negatif, netral, dan positif. Dalam konteks partai-partai politik Islam di Indonesia, problem mendasar adalah ketidakmampuan partai dalam mengemas isu-isu demokrasi, mulai dari muncul sentimen keagamaan, politisasi agama, pragmatisme politik pada partai PKS. Selanjutnya pada partai PPP terdapat masalah pada kaderisasi partai, dualisme kepemimpinan, dan sikap politik. Sedangkan pada partai PBB terlihat pada ketiadaan figur pemimpin  dan kultur politik.Kata Kunci: Agama, Demokrasi, Partai Islam

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