scholarly journals Indonesian Civil War: Comparing Discourse In the Campaign of Jakarta’s 2017 Gubernatorial Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Muhammad Adek ◽  
Agustina Agustina

Political discourse today is no longer dependent on the performance of the political elite; however, it has shifted to active participation of their supporters. This phenomenon is widely recorded in social media as the background event. Without exception to Jakarta’s 2017 Gubernatorial Election that received an international spotlight because the roar is so massive in the universe of cyberspace. This qualitative descriptive study examined the pattern of campaign movements as a political discourse conducted by the public in supporters community account as a form of public participation in the politics of free-active democracy. It aimed to map out the pattern of discourse movements arising from the supporter community accounts of one of the candidate through the perspective of the discourse comparison offered by Sawirman (2014). The findings show that there are three supporting accounts of candidates which posited as primary, secondary and tertiary discourse. For the configuration of the discourse, gradable adjectives are used as a linguistic strategy to weaken and to dispel sympathy for opposing factions. It is based on the spirit that speakers are superior to their rivals. In general, the pattern of discourse movements identified is synergistic and mutual in order to demonstrate the superiority of their group by degrading the opposing side.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Agustina Agustina ◽  
Liza Halimatul Humairah

The multitude of news related to the Jakarta Regional Election caused many people to respond, not only politicians but also society. This study aims to describe the ideology behind the statements and comments of politicians and the public about the 2017 DKI Jakarta Regional Election political news from the use of vocabulary. This study uses a qualitative-descriptive approach and content analysis method based on Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis theory. The results showed that (1) three ideological representations, namely religionism, secularism, and neutrality found in politicians' statements about the DKI Regional Election in the online mass media, and (2) four ideological representations, namely religionism, secularism, liberalism, and neutrality found in public comments about the political discourse of the DKI Regional Election on social media. However, based on the dominance of its use, it can be concluded that the political discourse battle for the 2017 DKI Jakarta Regional Election is motivated by two ideologies, namely secularism and religionism, both in politicians' statements and public comments. Religious ideology is represented through the vocabulary that raises issues of faith, sharia, and morals; and linking it in choosing government leaders. On the other hand, Secular ideology is represented through vocabulary related to the ideal government leader, such as honest, intelligent, creative, etc. and does not link it to the religious factor he adheres.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 205630511989122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farzana Masroor ◽  
Qintarah N. Khan ◽  
Iman Aib ◽  
Zulfiqar Ali

The form and functions of political discourse have considerably taken a new orientation with the evolving ways of communication. Twitter is a platform that is increasingly preferred by the political elites for the purpose of gaining public acclaim and propagating political ideologies. The political discourse on Twitter requires a critical attention toward linguistic structures and strategies to uncover the relationship between language and social practices. For this purpose, tweets of two eminent Pakistani political figures are chosen for unmasking a variety of discourse strategies at work from the perspective of critical discourse analysis (CDA) through the socio-cognitive model of ideological square. The analysis uncovers the hidden ideological structures and strategies realized through a number of rhetorical moves in the selected tweets. The cognitive binary of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation help achieving political domination and legitimization of political actions by controlling the public opinion. The underlying motives vary and are context bound such as the aims to topple a government or to restore public faith in the governance. This research is significant for political discourse analysts as well as the general public, as a means for analytical activism propagated by any CDA inquiry, and paves way for further research in the use of social media platforms for political purposes.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yitzhak M. Brudny ◽  
Evgeny Finkel

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia’s slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites’ preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar

Relationships between the public and the political elite in Britain are generally thought to be explicable in terms of a ‘strong leadership’ hypothesis, according to which the public responds to initiatives put forward by leading political actors. Reflecting the popular will is not thought to be a highly prized activity among British politicians, who supposedly share the general cultural expectation that the public defers to the wisdom of those more knowledgeable than themselves, the public being content with the opportunity to pronounce electorally on the fitness of the Government at least once every five years. Occasionally voices are heard demanding that more attention be paid to the wishes of the general public, as in recent years in regard to the Common Market and capital punishment, but these demands have so far gone unheeded.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Saurette ◽  
Kelly Gordon

Abstract.This article analyzes the nature of contemporary anti-abortion discourse in Canada. Based on a rigorous qualitative and quantitative analysis of the public discourse of a wide variety of influential actors, this study shows that contemporary anti-abortion discourse in Canada is quite different than the portrait offered by traditional accounts. Specifically, our analysis demonstrates that the new anti-abortion discourse aims at changing cultural values more than legislation; is explicitly framed as ‘pro-woman’; largely avoids appealing to religious grounds; and relies on a new ‘abortion-harms-women’ argument that has supplanted and transformed traditional fetal personhood arguments. The article argues that these findings are important as they provide a more accurate account of the political discourse surrounding one of the most contentious issues in politics today and because they illustrate broader ideological patterns that are increasingly characteristic of Canadian political discourse.Résumé.Cet article propose d'analyser la nature du discours contemporain sur l'anti-avortement au Canada. Fondée sur une analyse qualitative et quantitative rigoureuse du discours public d'une grande variété d'acteurs influents, cette étude démontre que le discours contemporain sur l'anti-avortement au Canada se distingue de manière caractéristique du portrait qu'il en a traditionnellement été donné. Notre analyse révèle en particulier que le nouveau discours sur l'anti-avortement vise plutôt à transformer les valeurs culturelles que la législation; qu'il est explicitement formulé comme étant « pro-femme »; qu'il évite de faire appel à des motifs religieux; et qu'il déploie un nouvel argument, « l'avortement-nuit-aux-femmes », qui évince et transforme les arguments traditionnels qui cherchaient à accorder le statut de personne au fétus. Cet article argumente alors que ces constats sont importants non seulement parce qu'ils permettent de brosser un tableau plus complet du discours politique qui touche à l'une des questions les plus controversée de la politique contemporaine, mais également parce qu'ils mettent en évidence des tendances idéologiques de plus en plus caractéristiques du discours politique au Canada.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-122
Author(s):  
Pia Khoirotun Nisa

Muhammadiyah is one of the elements from the public room of Indonesia, it accepts amount of political policies from the power of nation and responses them as the tradition of its organization. The special characteristic of organization determines political communication that is used. In doing political communication, the political elite of Muhammadiyah has to be able to play very important role in a political system because it becomes determined part from the process of political socialization, political culture, political participation and political recruitment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Adnan Pattipeilohy ◽  
Nurbani Yusuf ◽  
Trisakti Handayani

ABSTRAKUsaha sadar dan terencana untuk mewujudkan suasana belajar dan proses pembelajaran agar peserta didik secara aktif pengembangkan potensi yang dimiliki seperti kekuatan spiritual keagamaan, pengendalian diri, kepribadian, kecerdasan, dan memiliki akhlak mulia. Untuk mewujudkan masyarakat yang sejahtra tidak mudah tanpa keterlibatan pendidikan politik yang efektif.Pendidikan Politik yang efektif ialah mampu memberikan pemahaman kepada masyarakat tentang Hak dan Kewajibannya dalam Bidang Politik. Hal demikian yang ditanamkan pada Pemilih Pemula khususnya Siswa Sekolah Menengah Atas (SMA) Negeri 1 Omesuri Balauring. Bukan hanya memberikan kesadaran akan Hak dan kewajibannya dalam momentum Demokratis Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Bupati dan Wakil Bupati pada 15 Februari 2017 lalu tetapi juga memberikan pemahaman untuk menjadi Pemilih Cerdas yang tidak Dekriminatif kedaerahan dan Kesukuan ataupun sentiment Agama tetapi berdasarkan kemampuan memimpin tawaran visi misi yang ditawarkan para calon Bupati dan wakil bupati Lembata periode 2017 - 2022. Adapun tujuan dalam penelitian ini ialah sebagai berikut: 1) Menjelaskan bentuk-bentuk pendidikan politik pada pemilih pemula yang dilaksanakan oleh Panitia Pemilihan kecamatan pada pemilih pemula di SMAN 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. 2) Mendeskripsikan dampak pendidikan politik yang dilakukan oleh Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan pada pemilih pemula di SMAN 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. Penilitian ini menggunakan teknik penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Dimana peneliti terjun langsung untuk menggali informasi terkait dengan judul dari penelitian. Pengumpulan data diperoleh dengan teknik wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi.Adapun informasi yang perlu digali informasinya adalah pemilih pemula SMAN 1 Balauring dan anggota Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK).Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh hasil sebagai berikut: 1) Pendidikan politik yang menjadi tanggung jawab Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) Kabupaten Lembata yang dilaksanakan di sekolah-sekolah salah satunya SMAN 1 Balauring, melalui Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK) Omesuri dilakukan dengan metode sosialisasi pemilih pemula dengan sasaran Siswa-siswi SMAN 1 Balauring dengan kisaran umur 17 Tahun keatas dengan metode penyampaian ke kelas-kelas layaknya metode pengajaran biasa dan melalui alat bantu ajar yaitu bahan tayang materi tentang kepemiluan yang disampaiakan oleh KPU dan PPK. Materi yang disampaikan antara lain: Pengertian umum tentang Pemilu, Pemilih Pemula, syarata-syarat menjadi pemilih, dan PPK juga menyampaikan tentang kategori pemilih cerdas yang memilih berdasarakan kemampuan kepemimpinan, visi dan misi yang ditawarkan oleh calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati. 2) Tujuan dari adanya pendidikan politik oleh KPU dan PPK adalah selain memberikan kesadaran akan hak yang dimiliki oleh pemilih pemulah juga untuk menekan angkah golongan putih (Golput). Melalui wawancara yang dilakukan oleh peneliti, adapun dampak dilihat dari respon Siswasiswi setelah adanya sosialisasi atau pendidikan politik oleh PPK yaitu kesadaran untuk hadir dan ikut memilih pada tanggal 15 Februari 2017.Kata Kunci : Pendidikan, Politik, Efektif, Tujuan, Pemilih, Pemilih Pemula, Cerdas, Pemimpian,bupati, wakil bupati. ABSTRACTThe enterprises are conscious and planned to realize learning atmosphere and learning process so that students are actively developing the potential possessed such as spiritual strength, self-control, personality, intelligence, and have good morale. To realize it is not easy without effective political education. It is education to given understanding to the public about rights and obligations in the political field. That things should be instilled in the novice voter especially student of SMA Negeri 1 Balauring. It is not only about provides awareness of his rights and obligations in the election of regents and vice regents on 15 February 2017,but provide an understanding to be an intelligent voter who does not decriminate regionalism or ethnic or religious sentiments but based on the leadership ability and vision of the mission offered by candidates for the period 2017-2022.The purpose of this research is: 1). To explains the forms of political education in novice voters that conducted by the district election committee on the novice voters in SMA Negeri 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. 2). To describe the impact of political education undertaken by the district election committee on the novice voters in SMA Negeri 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. this research used qualitative descriptive research technique. For this case researchers go directly to search for information related to the title of the research. The technique to collected data is interview, observation and documentation. Any information that needs to be searched is the novice voter in SMA Negeri 1 Balauring and a member of Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK).Based on the research results obtained the following results: 1). the political education which is the responsibility of the Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) is implemented in the schools of one of the SMA Negeri 1 Balauring, through Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK) Omesuri is done with the method of socialization of novice voters with the target students of SMA Negeri 1 Balauring with the age range of 17 years and over with the method of delivering to the classroom as usual teaching methods and through teaching aids that material about the election submitted by KPU and PPK. The material presented is general understanding of elections, novice voters, voter conditions, and PKK also presented about the intelligent voter category that chooses based on leadership ability, vision and mission offered by candidates. 2) the purpose of political education by KPU and PKK is reduce the number of voters who do not vote (Golput). Through interviews conducted by the researchers obtained the results of the impact of student responses after the socialization or political education by PPK is the awareness to attend and vote on 15 February 2017.Keyword: Education, Political, Effective, Purpose, Votes, Novice voters, Intelligent, leader, Regents, Vice Regents


Diksi ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anang Santoso

The grammar of the Indonesian language is greatly made use of inpolitical discourse and especially after the era of the Old Order. Via grammaticalforms, the political elite fights for its power and ideology, both explicitly andimplicitly, causing an unbalanced political communication. A research study thisarticle is about was conducted to (1) describe and interpret the utilization ofgrammaticality in political discourse and (2) clarify why certain grammaticalforms are paid special attention while others are not.The study applied a critical qualitative approach with a “critical discourseanalysis” design from Fairclough (1989: 1995). In this perspective, no textproduced by the political elite is neutral from political interest. Discourse is asocial construction and results from social-historical and political conditions.There is no discourse which is a social vacuum. Discourse is a social creationreflecting the interests of certain social groups.The research results indicate that (1) each group of the Indonesianpolitical elite uses transitivity with material meaning, agent nominalization, thepassive voice, and the negative form to show its power and hide its ideologicalposition, (2) each assumes the role of information provider, shows its authority inthe presence of the other groups and the Indonesian society, and asserts its powerby choosing to use the personal pronouns we and I, (3) it makes considerable use ofmodality expressing authority, and (4) there are institutional and cultural processesexplaining why certain grammatical forms are paid special attention while othersare not.Keywords: grammaticality, political discourse


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-238
Author(s):  
Dafrin Muksin ◽  
Sahrail Robo ◽  
Ahmad Rizali Pawane

This study examines the political motives of the plan to expand the new autonomous region in Papua. This is because the expansion of new autonomous areas is not always purely for the welfare of the people but is very closely related to political interests, namely power, and position. This study used qualitative research methods. The data used in the form of secondary data was obtained through reputable media and documents in journals. Next, the data is sorted to form a systematic framework. To analyze the research data, Nvivo plus 12 was used. From the analysis, it was described, and a conclusion was drawn. The study results indicate that the political motives for the plan to expand the new autonomous region in Papua are very material-intensive, namely the interests of the political elite, both central and local, to obtain rewards, position, and power. There is a narrative in the ideological incentive motive that regional expansion is for the public interest, namely providing services, developing infrastructure, increasing human resources, and alleviating poverty. However, in reality, some of the ongoing divisions in Papua have not yet impacted the Papuan people.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirza Shahreza

At a time when the public interest is disrupted by a policy or regulation made by a power. Then, there will be a reaction from the political elite, educated, and ordinary people. Apparently, we can all play a role as a political communicator when reacting to news about politics that appear in various mass media. This paper will look at the mapping of political communicators based on generation theory. In an era, there will certainly be several layers of society that are distinguished by the age or the age at which they were born. The ever-changing media and technological trends greatly affect each generation in building their mindset and political behavior. Similarly, leadership styles and rulers’ perspective also color every generation. Based on Generation theory, there is the term traditionalist, baby boomers, generation X, Y, Z, and alpha. Everything is primarily related to the behavior, lifestyle, profession, culture that is often associated with the characteristics of those generations. The theory put forward by Strauss and Howe is a very subjective assumption. Based on the theory, the writer will adapt Generasi theory in understanding the political communicator in Indonesia. This paper is a study of literature derived from various scientific readings processed and composed by the author. Understanding the theory of generations can help to identify the characteristics and ways communicators communicate, constructing messages across generations that will generally split the senior (youth) and junior (youth) generation.Keywords: communicator, politics, generation theory, media, technology.


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