scholarly journals Anattempt to rebuild the world "in the American way"

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
A. D. Bogaturov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
National Power ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Persian Gulf

Trump’s foreign policy was controversial, resulting in division into its supporters and adversaries both at national and international levels. Donald Trump managed to be flexible in relations with the Legislative, ignoring the democratic majority in the House of Representatives. However, it was possible only before the Covid-19 pandemic. Donald Trump’s foreign policy prioritized American capital that determined US relations with the EU, Canada, and Latin America. As for relations with Russia, they were defined by the Ukrainian crisis. Disarmament is still a cornerstone in Russian American relations. The US has complicated relations with countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and the Persian Gulf despite all efforts. The UN’s reform and the Security Council, where the three great powers primarily make decisions, are still questioned. The US divides Europe into three parts; Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Russia with Belarus. These Europes have different views on US foreign policy. Republican administration aimed at the expansion of the national power and provision of global leadership. However, the implementation methods were questionable and led to some unpleasant consequences for the US allies. Some of them decided to wait, some prepared for the worst, some tried to adapt to Trump’s policy since it reflected the long-term changes of the US standing in the world regardless of the party or the president. As a result, such policy led to the defeat of the Republicans and brought Joe Biden to power.

Searching for new Sources of growth. Are the Developing Countries Catching up with the Developed ones?

2015 ◽  
pp. 30-53
Author(s):  
V. Popov
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Gdp Per Capita ◽  
The West ◽  
Catching Up ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Economic Divergence ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Relative Standing

This paper examines the trajectory of growth in the Global South. Before the 1500s all countries were roughly at the same level of development, but from the 1500s Western countries started to grow faster than the rest of the world and PPP GDP per capita by 1950 in the US, the richest Western nation, was nearly 5 times higher than the world average and 2 times higher than in Western Europe. Since 1950 this ratio stabilized - not only Western Europe and Japan improved their relative standing in per capita income versus the US, but also East Asia, South Asia and some developing countries in other regions started to bridge the gap with the West. After nearly half of the millennium of growing economic divergence, the world seems to have entered the era of convergence. The factors behind these trends are analyzed; implications for the future and possible scenarios are considered.

European sources for advertising and marketing history

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeannette Strickland
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Original Study ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Online Searching ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Marketing History ◽  
The World ◽  
First Time

Purpose This paper aims to build on Fred Beard’s study of the world’s archives to identity historical advertising and marketing ephemera, published in this journal in 2018, by focussing on resources available in Europe to augment his survey. Design/methodology/approach Online searching, supplemented by literature emanating from the business archive sector, led to the identification of 177 repositories or online sites in Europe holding advertising and marketing archives of significance for researchers. These are set out in two accompanying tables. Findings A wide diversity of European archives that are open to researchers is revealed in this paper. Many are the archives of the business themselves, but a number of collecting repositories are also listed, brought together for the first time. Research limitations/implications This paper focusses solely on Europe but does not claim to be comprehensive, as the study was time-limited and readers will, no doubt, know of resources that the author has missed. The findings relate mostly to Western Europe, so there is scope for further study to encompass archives in the former eastern bloc. Exploration of sources in Africa, Asia and Latin America would further supplement Beard’s original study. Originality/value This research brings together the broadest list of advertising and marketing sources open to researchers in Europe published to date. As Beard’s focus was more on the Americas, this examination redresses the balance with an array of European sources which, it is hoped, will contribute to the greater use of many little-known or under-researched resources by researchers across the world.

Chapter II. The World Economy

1983 ◽  
Vol 106 ◽  
pp. 26-38
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Industrial Production ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
West Germany ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Uk ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Minor Extent

The recovery in the OECD area gathered pace in the second quarter, when its total GDP probably increased by as much as 1 per cent. The rise was, however, heavily concentrated in North America and particularly the US. There may well have been a slight fall in Western Europe, where the level of industrial production hardly changed and increases in gross product in West Germany and, to a minor extent, in France were outweighed by falls in Italy and (according to the expenditure measure) the UK.

Euro-Atlantic Relations in the XXI Century: Problems and Scenarios

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (11) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
N. Arbatova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
Main Question ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Economic And Financial Crisis

The Euro-Atlantic relations after the end of the Cold war have been strongly influenced by the impact of three interrelated crises: the existential crisis of NATO, the world economic and financial crisis, and the crisis in the Russia-West relations. The end of bipolarity has changed the threat environment and revealed how different alliance members formulate their threat perception and foreign policy interests. Europe stopped to be the US foreign policy priority. The US pivot to Asia has raised European concerns about American commitments to collective defense. The removal of the threat of a global conflict resulted in the EU initiatives aimed at promoting integration in the field of common security and defense policy (CSDP). Even though the US has officially welcomed a stronger European pillar in NATO, it has become concerned about new approaches that could divide transatlantic partnership and take resources away from military cooperation. At the same time the unilateralist preferences of the Bush administration generated deep political divisions between the United States and the European Union. The world economic and financial crisis contributed to a dangerous gulf between American and European defense spending. The US has complained about the tendency of the alliance’s European members to skimp on defense spending and take advantage of America’s security shield to free ride. In the absence of a clear external threat NATO tried to draft new missions, which were found in NATO’s expansion to the post-Communist space and Alliance’s out of area operations. But these new missions could not answer the main question about NATO’s post-bipolar identity. Moreover, the Kosovo operation of NATO in 1999 fueled Russia’s concerns about NATO’s intentions in the post-Soviet space. The creeping crisis in the Russia-West relations resulted in the Caucasus and Ukrainian conflicts that provided kind of glue to transatlantic relations but did not return them to the old pattern. There can be several representing possible futures lying ahead. But under any scenario EU will be faced with a necessity to shoulder more of the burden of their own security.

6. Maintaining the Spheres of Influence

2020 ◽  
pp. 159-177
Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Nikita Khrushchev ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
East West

This chapter examines how the United States and the Soviet Union tried to maintain their respective spheres of influence during the Cold War, especially in three regions: Eastern Europe, Western Europe, and Latin America. The death of Joseph Stalin and the assumption of power by the triumvirate of Lavrenti Beria, Nikita Khrushchev, and Georgi Malenkov resulted in a fresh approach to domestic issues and to the nature of Soviet control over its European satellites. The apparent change produced a new Soviet approach to East–West relations. The chapter first considers how the new Soviet leadership addressed the crisis in East Germany before analysing American influence in Western Europe and US relations with Latin America. The discussion covers themes and events such as the Soviet policy on Hungary and Poland, the Messina Conference and the Spaak Committee, nuclear cooperation and multilateral force, and the US response to the Cuban Revolution.

I. The Geopolitics of Power Projection in US Foreign Policy: From Colonization to Globalization

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henk Houweling ◽  
Mehdi Parvizi Amineh
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Energy Resources ◽  
Transport Systems ◽  
Cultural Symbols ◽  
Power Shift ◽  
Us Air Force ◽  
The Us

AbstractThis Chapter studies continuity and innovation in the geopolitics of America in projecting power beyond legally recognized borders. Exporting cultural symbols expressing what America has on offer plays as crucial a role in the opening of societies beyond borders as commodity exports and the activities of the CIA and the US Air Force do. The historical part summarizes early experience and aims at uncovering continuity in the foreign policy of getting America offshore. The hypothesis is that the US objective of inserting power and influence in West and CEA is to deny to a single state, other than the US itself, or coalition of powers not including the US, the capability to set conditions for accessing the energy resources of West and CEA. Our argument is that such a dominating coalition of actors not including the US, would arise from the creation of overland energy and other transportation links among the industries of Western Europe, Russia, Turkey, Northeast Asia, and China, leading to economic unification of Eurasia. Economic unification by creating overland energy and transport links of much of Eurasia would deprive the US navy of its power to interdict supplies of oil and food to core industrial areas of Eurasia and Japan. The reassertion of Russian power in the Caucasus and Central Asia should therefore be prevented. The EU and Japan should be prevented from developing autonomous military power and be kept dependent on maritime transported energy and food supplies. China should not host pipelines connecting energy resources of West Asia and CEA with the industries of Japan and Korea, whose unification and economic and strategic merger with China should be prevented. Iraq, Iran, and the Saudi Kingdom should be reformed into powers friendly of the US. Energy unification by overland transport systems, leading to economic unification between industries of these entities, would give major powers of the Asian landmass the potential for setting conditions for the US state and non-state actors to access the resources on the largest of world's islands. Such a power shift between the world's continents would reduce the Western Hemisphere to a rather dependent offshore island between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

At a Glance … The world economy

2012 ◽  
Vol 222 ◽  
pp. F2-F2
Keyword(s):  
Euro Area ◽  
World Economy ◽  
List Type ◽  
Advanced Economies ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Depression Era ◽  
The Impact ◽  
India And China

World growth is expected to remain below trend at 3.1 per cent in 2012 and 3.4 per cent in 2013.The Euro Area is forecast to contract by 0.5 per cent this year and grow only marginally next year with unemployment reaching ‘depression-era’ rates in some periphery economies. The US is likely to grow by 2 per cent in each year.Growth in Brazil, Russia, India and China will be below long-term potential next year, although ‘hard-landings’ will be avoided; the impact on advanced economies will be offset by a large gain in competitiveness.Debt to GDP ratios in OECD countries will, on average, be higher in 2014 than at present.

scholarly journals Social Media, Networked Protest, and the March for Science

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511879340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara L. Ley ◽  
Paul R. Brewer
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Behavioral Intentions ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Do So

Recent studies have explored how the US public responded to the March for Science protests that took place around the world on April 22, 2017, as well as why individuals participated in these protests. Yet, little research has examined how participants used social media and other channels to learn, communicate, and form behavioral intentions regarding the movement. In addressing these questions, the present study conceptualizes the March for Science as a “networked protest.” It then analyzes data from two surveys: one distributed through social media in the month preceding the March for Science events, and one conducted at the Washington, DC event. The results suggest that social media—particularly Facebook—played key roles in how respondents learned and communicated about the protest. At the same time, respondents also learned and communicated about it through other channels, including texting, email, and face-to-face conversations. Both social media respondents and in-person respondents reported that their experiences with the March had increased their likelihood of undertaking future online and offline actions. Furthermore, communicating through Facebook and Twitter predicted a range of self-reported effects of March experiences on intentions to undertake future actions, whereas learning through social media largely failed to do so. Thus, some—but not all—social media uses may have encouraged participants to sustain both online and offline engagement. Taken together, the findings carry potential implications for how the March for Science and other networked protests can use social media and other communication forms to mobilize supporters and facilitate long-term engagement.

scholarly journals HAS THE US POLICY BEEN MORE ANTI-IRANIAN THAN PRO-ARAB WITH THE FALL OF THE SHAH? A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Ilmi Dwiastuti
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Dynamic Relations ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractSince the fall of the Shah, the US-Iran relations have changed significantly. During the Shah regime, US-Iran experience a warm relationship through economic and military partnerships, however, it changed since the Iran revolution until today. Iran turned out to be one of the axis of evil during the Bush administration. The fall of the Shah also changes the direction of the foreign policy of the US. It then led to the proposition of whether the US foreign policy has been more anti-Iranian than pro-Arab with the fall of the Shah. This paper seeks to answer this question through historical analysis. It examines the US policy during the Cold War era and the post-Cold War. Therefore, the US policy in the region is not always anti-Iranian than the pro-Arab case. The changed regional architecture influences the priorities of the President of the US at that time to put aside Iran's issue, as it happened on George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama administration. Thus, the characteristic of the leader also heavily influences US posture in Iran, as Bush and Trump's personality and policies are clearly against Iran. However, despite the dynamic relations of the US-Iran, Iran has always been one of the threats for the US interest in the Persian Gulf since the Shah has fallen.

scholarly journals Ilmuan Wanita dan Diskursus Sains (Ilmu Pengetahuan)

2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 329
Author(s):  
Muhammad Alfatih Suryadilaga
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
European Commission ◽  
National Science Foundation ◽  
Life Sciences ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
National Science ◽  
Female Scientists ◽  
Islamic Golden Age

According to current research, the European commission reports that this year the number of women who receive a PhD (doctorate) reaches 40% or even more for "life sciences", but only 15% of European industrial researchers are women. Especially in Latin America 60% of technological doctors are women, and 59% are in Argentina. However, women aren't playing a significant role in scientific decisions. For example in 1998 at the National Science Foundation Board in the US, only 8 out of 24 of its members are women or 33.3%. Thereby the profile of women must actually still be supported in the context of progressing science that they deserve. Other than focusing on discussing the discourses of science by looking at the origins and the development that until now has produced the Islamic golden age, this article will also give in,depth informationon a few female scientists that has given the world a gift in its struggle to respond to science in the present day. This is not meant to dream of past glory but to sober-up the Moslem men and women to help each other in thinking of the importance of science and as soon as possible watch the development of science and technology right now!

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