scholarly journals European Integration and its Implications on the Decline of State Sovereignty

Federalism-E ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-64
Author(s):  
Sean Romero

The evolution of European integration has raised fundamental concerns as to whether or not state sovereignty is a necessary sacrifice for the furtherance of European Union (hereinafter E.U.) member states’ national interests. The inherent precept for any form of integration among neighboring nation-states is federalism. Precursors to this premise such as William Penn (1644-1718), Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), Saint-Simon (1760-1825), and Carlo Cattaneo (1801-1869), envisaged a Europe united through an inter- European common economic system and a sovereign European legislative body; all while respecting the national patronages and law making duties of European nations – a federal system. Political decision makers in the early twentieth-century realized the paradox facing Europe; demonstrated in the inter-European fighting of World Wars I and II and the failure of the League of Nations [...]

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 236
Author(s):  
Joanna Kulska

The increasingly acknowledged post-secular perspective has resulted in the emergence of some new approaches theorizing this phenomenon. One such approach has been the concept of religious engagement, which calls for the redefinition of the perception of religious non-state actors towards including them as important partners in the process of identifying and realizing political goals. According to this view, due to the multidimensional role played by religious communities and non-state religious actors, they need to be recognized as pivotal in creating a new form of knowledge generated through encounter and dialogue of the political decision-makers with these subjects. Among numerous others, the challenge of migration calls for enhanced debate referring to both political and ethical issues. When such a perspective is applied, the question is raised of the duties and limits of nation-states using more or less harsh political measures towards refugees and migrants based on the concept of security, but also short-term political goals. In the face of a state’s lack of will or capacity to deal with the problem of migration, the question of religion serving not only as the service-provider but also as the “trend-setter” with regard to fundamental ethical questions needs to be considered.


2020 ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Boichenko ◽  
Yuliia Rudenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of the ratio of external and internal sources of state sovereignty. It is found that sovereignty cannot be established without external sources, and the sovereignty of the state is to establish external relations with other states as political monads, i. e. coexisting political substances. At the same time, the sovereignty of the state is closely interconnected with the idea of national identity: the justification of sovereignty is the integration of all cultural groups of the country around the idea of national identity, which is the subject of protection of state sovereignty. The national idea acts as the main source of legitimation of the state’s sovereignty, and the national identity acts as a mechanism for combining the national idea and the state’s sovereignty. In today’s globalized society, national identity appears not as an opponent of internationalism, but as a prerequisite for building international relations in recognition of the sovereignty of states that have their own national idea. The global state appears not as a replacement for the nation-state, but only as a principle of interdependence and expression of the need for cooperation between modern nation-states. Global civil society creates a need for the principle of multilateralism in the interaction between modern states, i. e. the need for their constructive interaction based on mutual respect for the idea of national identity and its derivatives — national interests, national values and so on. The strategic provision of internal sources of state sovereignty, especially a clear link between national identity and the integrated national idea, makes possible and appropriate to turn to external sources of state sovereignty.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-58
Author(s):  
Ondrej Hamuľák

Abstract European integration entity ceased to be just a forum for negotiations between independent and sovereign nation states. To some extent it overlaps with the states and becomes their competitor. In this context, the classical concept of state sovereignty loses its original content and meaning. The participation in the integration project opens the question whether it takes away or weakens sovereignty of Member States? This paper puts on four arguments to proof the hypothesis that Czech Republic continues to be a sovereign country even aft er accession to the European Union.


Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall

This chapter introduces the problem of “reform capacity” (the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole, by adjusting public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances). The chapter also reviews the long-standing discussion in political science about the relationship between political institutions and effective government. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the possibility of compensation matters greatly for the politics of reform; provides a precise definition of the concept of reform capacity; describes the book's general approach to this problem; and discusses the ethics of compensating losers from reform; and presents the book's methodological approach.


Author(s):  
Robert C. Schmidt

AbstractIn this short paper, I look back at the early stages of the Corona crisis, around early February 2020, and compare the situation with the climate crisis. Although these two problems unfold on a completely different timescale (weeks in the case of Corona, decades in the case of climate change), I find some rather striking similarities between these two problems, related with issues such as uncertainty, free-rider incentives, and disincentives of politicians to adequately address the respective issue with early, farsighted and possibly harsh policy measures. I then argue that for complex problems with certain characteristics, it may be necessary to establish novel political decision procedures that sidestep the normal, day-to-day political proceedings. These would be procedures that actively involve experts, and lower the involvement of political parties as far as possible to minimize the decision-makers’ disincentives.


Agriculture ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Friedrich Rübcke von Veltheim ◽  
Heinke Heise

Agricultural production methods in Europe are increasingly subject to public criticism from which many farmers suffer. This applies, among other areas, to the widespread use of pesticides. Autonomous field robots (AFR), as the next stage of agricultural automation, have the potential to farm more intensively and, at the same time, in a more environmentally friendly way. However, a certain skepticism towards autonomous systems is suspected among farmers. Whether farmers adopt a technology depends largely on their uncertainty about the consequences of its use and the resulting attitude on the adoption. In order to quantify the attitude on adopting AFR in Germany and to identify possible group differences within the population, 490 German farmers were surveyed using an online questionnaire, which is based on an extended version of the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT). In the subsequent cluster analysis, the statements inquiring the intention to use AFR served as cluster-forming variables. As a result, three groups (“open-minded AFR supporters”, “convinced AFR adopters”, “reserved AFR interested”) could be identified according to their response behavior. Despite existing group differences, an overall attitude in favor of autonomous field robots was observed. The results complement the existing research with a further empirical study and provide interesting starting points for further analysis, field robot manufacturers, and political decision makers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
Anna Turenko

Economic sovereignty and its elements are analyzed in the article. It is emphasized that a significant step for rethinking approaches to the characteristics of the sovereignty of the state, in particular, the economic became European integration processes. On the example of tax sovereignty as a basic component of economic sovereignty, it is argued that state sovereignty and its realization depends not only on the right of state to independently decide on tax-legal regulation, but also on the nature of those measures selected by the state to carry out regulatory influences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-148
Author(s):  
Eryan Ramadhani

Abstract The study of political decision-making cannot exclude the actors involved in the process. Neither can it disregard the interplay between decision-makers and political institution where they operate. This article aims to explain how perception of survival affects decision-making by focusing on leaders, specifically by analysing Benigno S. Aquino III’s leadership (2010–2016). Built on political psychology, I will show that motivation to maintain power may bias leaders’ reasoning leading to suboptimal decision. Accountability can help leaders mitigate bias, or de-bias, by stimulating their use of cognitive complexity. But the same effort may backfire and make leaders resort to heuristics instead. Where leaders end up in the cognitive spectrum depends on the types of audiences to whom they feel accountable: core (the ruling elites and loyal voters) and external (the opposition and its supporters) audiences. Preoccupation with core audiences can make leaders downplay the opposition challenge. Furthermore, leaders’ perceived understanding of their support base may be erroneous. The result is overconfidence in their perception of survival. I argue that President Aquino’s misperception of survival was rooted in his belief that (1) Filipinos would like to have his legacy continued and that (2) his popularity would help his successor Manuel Araneta Roxas II win the 2016 presidential race. This overconfidence turned out to be detrimental. Roxas’s electoral loss to Rodrigo Duterte put an end to the Daang Matuwid, President Aquino’s good governance platform.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Taufan Herdansyah Akbar ◽  
Agus Subagyo ◽  
Jusmalia Oktaviani

Realism is an approach and paradigm that is in international relations, Realism began to be debated during World War II (World War II) because of the failure of the League of Nations (LBB). LBB is the brainchild of idealists who are considered to have failed to prevent war and create peace. Realism existed even before the paradigm debate which was later called classical realism with one of its characters being Niccolo Machiavelly. Niccolo Maciavelly's style of realism emphasizes that human nature is egositically and creates an anarchic world. In this study the research team wanted to prove that what Niccolo Machiavelly delivered was not merely increasing military power merely to create peace, but negotiation and diplomacy methods were also instruments of the State in achieving its national interests in realism like Indonesia. The national interests of Indonesia are everything for Indonesian politicians and the existence and power of Indonesia is the goal of Indonesia's interests to avoid war. Therefore Indonesia must have played its role in the Asian-African Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement at that time as an instrument of achieving national interests in Realism. This research will use qualitative research methods with a historical approach. The results of this study provide answers that Realism is not merely militaristic but also a role as a rational actor.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document