scholarly journals Contemporary Changes in the Role and Spatial Structure of Industrial Production in Hungary

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-146
Author(s):  
Ágnes Pál ◽  
Ferenc Győri
Keyword(s):  
Open Economy ◽  
Industrial Production ◽  
Political System ◽  
Considerable Proportion ◽  
Industrial Change ◽  
Capital Investments ◽  
Production Structure ◽  
The West ◽  
Communist System ◽  
Production Value

The aim of our paper is to offer a brief survey of the stages of development of industrial productionin Hungary and the transfomation that followed the changing of Hungary’s political system, as well as the maintrends in the contemporary process of re-industrialization. Hungarian industry has long traditions; as early asthe beginning of the 20th century, in certain branches, it was among the leading countries in the world. Afterthe fall of the centrally planned economy of the communist system and following the crisis treatment policiesof the post-communist years, Hungarian industry, today, has to survive in an open economy. The process ofre-industrializaton in Hungary is, basically, an integral part of global industrial change while, at the same time,it is largely dependent on local industrial developments. The volume indices, the value of industrial investmentsand the number of employees in industry, are all indicators of a positive change. The processing industryrepresents a considerable proportion of industrial production in Hungary and, in addition, vehicle manufacturingis the most dynamically developing segment. At the same time, industry in Hungary can still be characterizedby a dual structure; more than two thirds of its production value us produced by large companies.Small- and medium-sized companies have the possibility of being integrated into the production structure assuppliers. Some of Hungary’s traditional industrial branches have deteriorated, while other segments havebeen able to change their structure and become dynamic again. The main focus of industrial production – dueto capital investments by foreigners – has shifted towards the west, and the largest portion of its productionvalue now comes from Hungary’s western and central Transdanubian regions. The process of re-industralizationis beneficial for those regions in which there is an adequate and ready supply of human resources.

Legitimizing Transformation without Calling it Change:Tajdīd, Iṣlāḥ, and Saudi Arabia’s Place in the Contemporary World

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Sean Foley
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Political System ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Advanced Technology ◽  
The West ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
The People ◽  
Diverse Society ◽  
Oil Revenues

For decades, many scholars have contended that Saudi Arabia is a fixed political system, where a conservative monarchy uses advanced technology, oil revenues, and religion to dominate the people. Such a system is often portrayed as inherently unstable, a seemingly never-ending series of collisions between an unchanging traditional political structure seeking to hold on to power at any cost and a dynamic modernity—a view encapsulated in a phrase expressed at virtually every public discussion of the Kingdom in the West: ‘you must admit that Saudi Arabia must change’. Ironically this phrase confirms what this article argues is a secret to the success of Saudi Arabia in the contemporary era: the ability to legitimize transformation without calling it change. No society is static, including Saudi Arabia. Throughout the Kingdom’s history, the defining social institutions have repeatedly utilized Tajdīd (Revival) and Iṣlāḥ (Reform) to respond to new technologies and the changing expectations of a diverse society. While Muslim scholars are most often entrusted to arbitrate this process, ordinary Saudis use this process to guide their actions in the various social spaces they encounter both at home and abroad. Critically, this process reflects the response of King Abdulaziz and the founders of the third Saudi state in the early twentieth century to the factors that had brought down previous Saudi states in the nineteenth century.

scholarly journals Secularism, secularism, godlessness: theological vision of the problem.

2013 ◽  
pp. 68-82
Author(s):  
Ivan Ortynskyy
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Western Civilization ◽  
The West ◽  
Financial Situation ◽  
Communist System ◽  
Complete Rejection ◽  
Theological Vision ◽  
Religious Crisis

The religious crisis experienced by the present mankind is neither the first nor the last in its history. But it looks more sharp, more general, and above all - deeper, because it reaches the very roots of religion, God. This crisis is present in the West, where freedom is predominantly dominated and dominated, and where man can develop as it is profitable, as well as in the East, where for decades the communist regime led a persistent and fierce ideological war, trying to eliminate everything that concerned God. It seemed that the fall of the Marxist-Communist system would lead to a violent manifestation of a religious sensation here, responding to the demands of the human spirit. Unfortunately, such hopes were not fulfilled. The atmosphere of a certain freedom soon changed the first signs of enthusiastic religious interest in religious chaos, and finally, as could be foreseen, left a free space for the crazy pursuit of well-being and all the benefits that the Western civilization was embracing. This was the result of a pathetic, even tragic financial situation, which was the consequence of the management of the communist regime and the inevitable legacy of Marxist despotism, which required the complete rejection of religion and its absence in human life.

The Shaping of Popular Satisfaction with Government and Regime Performance in Germany

1999 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
THOMAS R. CUSACK
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
The West ◽  
The Government ◽  
Economic Developments ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

The article focuses on citizens’ satisfaction with the German democratic political system. The empirical analysis reported supports the argument that the performance of the economy and the government affect popular satisfaction with the regime. In the East, satisfaction with the regime remains very low and dissatisfaction has spread into West Germany. In the West, the sources of this dissatisfaction are both economic developments and government performance; citizens modify their views on the system as a consequence of the government’s and the economy’s successes and failures. The dynamic is similar in the East. Economic strains, and the perception that the federal government is not making sufficient efforts to equalize living standards, have kept the Eastern population from committing themselves to the new unified political system.

Necessary Illusions: the Transformation of Governance Structures in the New Germany

1992 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Seibel
Keyword(s):  
Structural Change ◽  
Political System ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Governance Structures ◽  
Extended Version ◽  
The West ◽  
Preliminary Account ◽  
German Model

Unified Germany is not simply an extended version of West Germany before 9 November 1989. but a new Germany. The forces dial have made this entity different from the West German model are revealing themselves in the structure of governance that is emerging. In this paper I attempt a preliminary account of this evolving structure of governance. address three questions: First, how the process of unification is being managed politically. Second, what crucial problems and dilemmas arc likely to emerge and how will the German political system deal with these issues. Third, how will the process of unification affect general structural change in Gentian polity.

Meat and Evil

Evil ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 88-96
Author(s):  
Matthew C. Halteman
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Production ◽  
Environmental Problems ◽  
The West ◽  
Western History ◽  
History Of ◽  
Origin Story

In a world where meat is often a token of comfort, health, hospitality, and abundance, one can be forgiven for raising an eyebrow at the conjunction “meat and evil.” From another perspective, the problem is obvious: meat—the flesh of slaughtered animals taken for food—is the remnant of a feeling creature who was recently alive and whose death was premature, violent, and often gratuitous. The truth is that meat has a checkered history in the west. From its origin-story in Abrahamic religion to its industrial production today, meat is well-marbled with evil and its minions: sin, violence, injustice, destruction, suffering, and death. My aim is to consider meat’s fitness for a place in the Western history of evil by reflecting on its outsized roles at the bookends of this narrative: meat’s primeval history in Genesis, and its contribution today to ethical and environmental problems of arguably apocalyptic proportions.

scholarly journals Membedah Diskursus Modal Sosial dan Gerakan Sosial: Kasus Penolakan Pabrik Semen di Desa Maitan, Kabupaten Pati

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Priyatno Harsasto
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The West ◽  
The Social ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
Horizontal Networks

Social capital is a result of social movement  and vice versa. Social movement’s theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia,  social movement participated by “weak” groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens’  rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among  protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer ◽  
Yaël Ronen
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political System ◽  
Public Image ◽  
The West ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Israeli Supreme Court ◽  
General Record ◽  
Israeli Occupation

This chapter describes the background to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, and changes that have taken place in these territories since then. It provides a profile of the Israeli Supreme Court—its composition, function, and record; and discusses factors that affect its role in reviewing petitions from Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories, including the Court’s public image, its position in the Israeli political system, and its general record in matters relating to judicial review of government action. The chapter concludes by reviewing changes in the actual regime in the Occupied Territories that question its characterisation as a regime of belligerent occupation.

Shintō Shrines and Secularism in Modern Japan, 1890–1945

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Karli Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Secular Institution ◽  
The Government ◽  
Academic Discourses

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.

State-Church Relations in Poland: An Examination of Power Configuration in a Noncompetitive Political System

1969 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislaw Staron
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
General View ◽  
The West ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Power Configuration ◽  
Inherent Tendency

Until recently it has been taken more or less for granted by many students of the subject that totalitarian polities will not in the long run tolerate any form of pluralism in their power structure. Lucid and convincing arguments have been constructed to support this contention, in studies of the several historical manifestations of totalitarianism. Implicit in these speculations was the more general view that it is in the very nature of power, and especially political power, that it will not gladly suffer any rivals. In the West the very virtues of democracy have been defended precisely on the grounds that democracy tends through its procedural commitments to diffuse power, to counteract, as it were, the inherent tendency of power toward infinite selfaggrandizement.

Voting for Apartheid: The 2009 Israeli Elections

2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Yiftachel
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Economically Marginalized ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Military ◽  
Palestinians In Israel

Focusing primarily on Israeli voter attitudes with respect to the Zionist-Palestinian conflict, this paper argues that the results of the 2009 elections highlight the structural entanglement of Israeli politics within a colonialist process of ““creeping apartheid”” not only in the West Bank but in Israel proper. The elections also demonstrated the continuing relevance of identity and class politics among Israeli voters and the trend among culturally and economically marginalized groups to support the colonialist agendas set mainly by the settlers, the military, and parts of the globalizing economic elites. In parallel, election results among Palestinians in Israel reflect their growing alienation from a political system that structurally excludes them from political influence.

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