scholarly journals Hybrid Political Order in Libya: State, Non-State and Armed Actors

2020 ◽  
pp. 139-156
Author(s):  
Murat Aslan

Libya, inspired by the February 17 revolution but devastated by post-revolt challenges, is struggling to build order, as state, non-state, and external actors exacerbate the already fragile security environment. Among these actors, state and non-state actors pose a repeating and paradoxical dilemma. Libya’s post-Qaddafi state structure has been formed by non-state armed actors, and at the same time these actors threaten the survival of the state; certain non-state armed groups compete against each other to accumulate more power, while in some cases being legitimized and funded by the state itself. The root causes of this paradoxical situation can be scrutinized by investigating the security culture inherited from Qaddafi’s regime, particularly its inefficient and ignored security institutionalization, and the efforts of the competing armed groups to dominate their areas of influence in the absence of a coherent state structure.

Author(s):  
Vladimir Đurić ◽  
Nevenko Vranješ

In this paper, the authors, inspired by the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, analyse public holidays in states where multiculturalism has an impact on the complex state structure and on the form of political order. A particular focus is on holidays that are in function of nation-building through the commemoration of the events that are important for the founding of the state and / or the respective political-territorial unit and / or are of the historic importance to the majority, specifically the main ethnic group in the state and / or in the relevant political-territorial unit and on the issues of non-discrimination and the protection of group rights and multiculturalism. The conclusion is that such holidays, even when they have a completely opposite historical connotation, are not considered to be discriminatory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Shelest

For the past two years, there have been constant discussions about the possible ‘Bosnianisation’ of Ukrainian conflict management and peacebuilding, meaning both the Dayton process mechanism’s implementation and the possible ‘federalisation’ of Ukraine due to the Minsk agreements. While the two conflicts have significant differences in terms of roots, reasons and development, attempts at their resolution, as well as possible outcomes of the peace processes, have certain similarities. In this article, based on the constructivist approach and method of induction, the author compares the outcomes of the agreements reached in Dayton in 1995 and in Minsk in 2015 and analyses securitisation of state-building, ‘federalisation’ and identity issues during the peace negotiations, along with a state structure imposed by the external actors. Hereby we argue that the Dayton scenario in terms of the state-building is significantly different from what has happened in Ukraine due to their respective historical and ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, a peace agreement per se is not able to form a federal state if there are not sufficient preconditions for substantial decentralisation of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 205316802097189
Author(s):  
Sabine Otto ◽  
Adam Scharpf ◽  
Anita R. Gohdes

Recent research has generated important new insights into the existence, behavior, and violent consequences of armed actors in civil wars. However, the lack of suitable information on actor relationships with the state means that studies have been forced to assume that armed groups are either pro-government or anti-government and remain that way for the duration of their existence. Both assumptions severely limit our understanding of the armed actors themselves, as well as the violent dynamics they produce. This article introduces the Government and Armed Actors Relations Dataset (GAARD), which provides detailed information on all major armed groups and their fluctuating alignment with the state between 1989 and 2007. GAARD identifies when armed groups fight with or against the government, and when they lack relationships with the government altogether. It further provides information on all changes in group alignments and documents when and how these occurred. We demonstrate that more than 25% of armed groups changed their alignments and showcase how this allows researchers to pursue original research on the drivers, dynamics, and outcomes of civil conflicts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.


2018 ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
Roza Ismagilova

The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Olga Reznikova

The article explores the development of methodological principles in the field of strategic planning and management and the development of planning documents in the field of national security, taking into account the peculiarities of the current stage of global development, the variability of the security environment. The purpose of this article is to identify problematic issues in the field of national security planning in Ukraine and ways to improve the process of development and implementation of the National Security Strategy, taking into account the best world practices. The research is based on the analysis of publications by domestic and foreign researchers in the field of strategic planning, appropriate legal acts of Ukraine, as well as the author's experience gained from her involving in development of draft strategic documents of the state. This article is focusing on solving the following scientific and practical problems: identification of the main trends in the development of methodological framework of strategic planning in the field of national security; identification of problems in the field of strategic planning in the field of national security of Ukraine; identification of scientifically substantiated ways to improve the process of strategic planning in the field of national security in Ukraine, taking into account the best international practices. The main research methods are empirical (in particular, observations, descriptions, comparisons) and general scientific (primarily, analysis, synthesis, generalization, explanation, historical and logical methods, etc.). The main results of the study are, in particular, the following: It is determined that in accordance to the best world practices the development of national security strategies take into account the principles of national resilience and the wide expert involvement in the process of preparation of such a document is recommended. The growing role of strategic management and the need to ensure national resilience characterize current trends in the development of methodological framework of strategic planning in the field of national security. It is emphasized that the very fact that the state has a national security strategy based on the scientific ground is not a guarantee of achieving certain goals and results in practice. Therefore, the process of implementation of such a document should be under constant control by the public authorities. The new cycle of planning has been starting after the adoption in 2020 of the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine. The analysis conducted by the author revealed a number of problematic issues, the solution of which requires, in particular, the amendment to the Law of Ukraine "On National Security of Ukraine" in terms of strategic planning. The fundamental differences and innovations of the current National Security Strategy of Ukraine in comparison with its previous editions are determined. It is emphasized that lessons from the experience of implementing strategic planning documents in the field of national security should be learned in Ukraine. It is determined that the low level of implementation of previous national security strategies of Ukraine was caused by the declarative nature of some of their norms, lack and formality of control over the implementation of such documents, lack of reporting procedures, indicators and criteria for evaluating the results, including for their compliance with certain objectives. The lack of attention to the analysis of the security situation in appropriate field, risk assessment, forecasting, threat identification and vulnerability detection are identified as some of the most significant problems during the preparation of strategic planning documents in the field of national security. Based on the results of the study, recommendations for the state authorities of Ukraine were prepared.


Author(s):  
Vladislav Topilin ◽  
Roman Fedorov

The article is devoted to the problems of the legal status of the prosecutor’s office in the system of separation of powers. In the study, the author uses grammatical (philological, linguistic) logical, systematic and other methods of scientific knowledge. The author proposes to separate the prosecutor’s office into a separate (supervisory) branch of government, which will not belong to either the executive branch or the judicial branch, as a result of which the state will receive an independent state structure that will be able to exercise its supervisory functions independently of anyone, which will allow for better and faster suppression of possible violations by any branch of government, as well as improve the work of the state apparatus as a whole.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (8) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Eduard Gugnin

The article constructs a descriptive and analytical description of the connection between corruption, delegitimization and loss of state sovereignty over society as background factors for increasing external influence and the destruction of political and spatial cohesion. As a result of the study, a conclusion was formulated, according to which the complete or partial loss of legitimacy coincides with the spread of corruption, which entails the devaluation of value and regulatory systems of social behavior. It is emphasized that corrupt practices contribute to the destruction of morals, law, ideology, have a devastating effect on government structures, procedures for its institutionalization, prevent the nomination of elites and leaders to command positions in the state apparatus, negatively affect the power and centralizing capabilities of the state. legitimate physical violence. It is noted that the loss of legitimacy is preceded by the loss of dialogue between government and society, the habitualization of corruption and its transformation into an endemic component of social life.It was stated that corruption increases the level of public permeability for external actors who take advantage of the situation of blurring the boundaries of political space and encourage citizens to spontaneous protests, which should shake the procedural principles of law and order, to achieve open conflicts between government and self-organized communities. what are the conditions for dialogue. External actors can seek to actively discredit the ruling elites by simultaneously unscrewing instability and escalating waves of destructive criticism aimed at disavowing all kinds of legitimacy: ideological, ethnic, structural, personalistic (charismatic), and others.It is noted that the final destruction of the state is the loss of a monopoly on public violence within the procedures established by law. Actors of external influence can resort to various acts of violence in order to encourage the ruling elites to increase security with the use of special Praetorian groups (paramilitary formations).It is summarized that the emergence of paramilitary formations is an indicator of the fragility of the state and its inability to control its own power structures, as evidenced by the violation of paramilitary formations of the usual official hierarchies and privatization of legitimate violence by alternative centers of power. Finally, it is emphasized that the destructive accompaniment of the latter is the growth of shadow arms markets, criminalization of the behavior of ordinary citizens who cease to see the state as an authorized defender of sovereignty and security and cease to trust legitimate law enforcement agencies, and these processes precede their colonial expansion. frozen conflicts with accompanying negative consequences for the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.


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