scholarly journals The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-670
Author(s):  
Boris V. Dolgov

The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.

Author(s):  
E. A. Stepkin

Abstract: This article deals with analyzing the place and the political Islam occupies on the Palestinian territories. The author tries to prove that despite the “Arab spring” and growing popularity of Islamism in the neighbor Arab countries its popular support among Palestinians is low. The main reason for this is Israeli total control of political, economic and - partially - social processes taking place in the West Bank. Position of the officials in Ramallah who together with Tel-Aviv strictly contain spread of Islamism throughout the West Bank also has a strong suppressing effect. Central Palestinian leadership may be called one of the few secular political establishments that are still in power in the Arab countries. The main explanation for this is the desire to make a positive effect on the international community, which Palestine totally depends on in political and financial terms. Also one should keep in mind secular beliefs of the current political elite in Palestine. President Mahmoud Abbas with his counterparts from FATAH and PLO represent old type of Arab nationalist politicians, almost all of who were stripped from power after the beginning of “Arab spring” in 2011. Finally, Palestinian society itself still feels united by the idea of national liberation from the Israeli occupation. This helps Palestinians to put aside the issue of religious self-identification. According to the surveys, most of Palestinians still rank their national identity number while describing their identity, while religion comes only second (despite the strong stable tendency for growing Islamization of their views). The only Palestinian enclave where political Islam has gained ground is isolated Gaza Strip. However ruling there “Islamic Resistance Movement” (HAMAS), despite declared anti-Zionism and Islamism, in reality show pragmatic readiness for certain coordination of its actions with Israel and central government in Ramallah. Nowadays one can witness the deepening conflict within the Islamist camp - between HAMAS and more radical Salafists, who support “Islamic State” in Iraq and Syria. In the final end the fate of Political Islam in Palestine will depend on the success of Middle East peace process.


Author(s):  
Wan Ahmad Fahmi

AbstractPost-Islamism is a new trend that emerged in the work of political Islam after the emergence of Islamism in line with the demands of the requirements democracy. Thus, most of the Islamic movements worldwide give different interpretations of the concept of the Islamic state, the issue of implementing Islamic law and cooperation between the non-Muslims. The development of this trend began to produce the Islamists who support opinionated approach to post-Islamism in political Islam, including among Islamic movements in the country. The objective of this study to analyze the elements of post-Islamism thought in the Islamic movement in Malaysia. This study is qualitative. The method of collecting data using document analysis of journals, articles, theses, books and works of scholars who talk about the development of post-Islamism and the Islamist movement worldwide. Meanwhile, data analysis using descriptive and historical approach through content analysis. The study concluded that not only Islamic movements in the Middle East and West Asia receive thinking Post-Islamism, but Islamic movements in Malaysia was also impressed with the development of post-Islamism.Keywords: Post-Islamism, Islamic Movement, Democracy  AbstrakPasca Islamisme merupakan trend baharu yang timbul dalam gerak kerja politik Islam. Kemunculan Pasca Islamisme selari dengan tuntutan memenuhi kehendak demokrasi. Justeru, kebanyakan gerakan Islam seluruh dunia mulai berbeza tafsiran terhadap konsep negara Islam, isu pelaksanaan undang-undang Islam dan kerjasama antara Non-Muslim. Perkembangan trend ini melahirkan golongan Islamis yang mulai berpendirian menyokong pendekatan Pasca Islamisme dalam arena politik Islam termasuk dalam kalangan gerakan Islam di Malaysia. Objektif kajian ialah menganalisis unsur-unsur pemikiran Pasca Islamisme dalam gerakan Islam di Malaysia. Kajian ini merupakan kajian kualitatif. Kaedah pengumpulan data menggunakan metode analisis dokumen terhadap jurnal, artikel, tesis, buku, dan karya sarjana yang membicarakan tentang Pasca Islamisme dan perkembangan gerakan Islam seluruh dunia. Analisis data pula menggunakan metode deskriptif dan metode sejarah menerusi analisis kandungan. Dapatan kajian merumuskan bahawa bukan sahaja gerakan Islam di Timur Tengah dan Asia Barat menerima pemikiran Pasca Islamisme, tetapi gerakan-gerakan Islam di Malaysia juga turut terkesan dengan perkembangan Pasca Islamisme.Kata Kunci: Pasca Islamisme; Gerakan Islam; Demokrasi


ULUMUNA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-136
Author(s):  
Muhammad Syahir Bin Md Ali ◽  
Imtiyaz Yusuf

The study seeks to examine the brief history of political Islam in Malaysia with a focus on Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party/Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). The emergence of PAS in the early 1950s marks the beginning of the involvement of Islamic Movements in politics as a platform for the revivalism of Islam in the region. In addition, the role of PAS leaderships also briefly discussed with a great emphasis on the leadership of PAS political maestro, Tuan Guru Nik Aziz bin Nik Mat. His piety in Islam is translated into his political thought which are influential during his involvement in politics. Tuan Guru’s upbringing and his education background had biggest influence towards his worldview on politics. This study described his contribution on Islam and in Malaysian politics, especially his grand idea on the establishment of Islamic state in Kelantan. The idea of ideal Islamic model of a state was established in Kelantan. It is in line with his perspective of how a society should operate and the functions of government in micro-managing the society. As a conclusion, Tuan Guru Nik Aziz plays an important role within PAS and to the establishment of the model of Islamic State in Kelantan.


Author(s):  
Y. Zinin

The article analyzes the current supranational regulation of the energy market in the EU in the light of the interrelations between Russia and the EU. It is focused on the description The article treats a phenomenon of Islamic state of Iraq and Levant (ISIL): its underground, ideological conception and ways for its combating as it is seen and handled by scientific-and-expert community of the Middle East. A nature of arguments and rhetoric propagated by local Islamists is closely examinated. The author esteems that within the concurrence on vision space in the region political Islam will be henceforth present. Consequently, differentiation of trends inside this phenomenon, alignment between its moderate and extreme fractions will be going on. The importance of so called Wassatiya –reasonable, Middle Way Islam combatting ISIL and other extreme streams takes more and more root in media and scientific-and-expert community in the Middle East. Secular-liberal thinking has not yet became an competitive power in arab countries due to arhaic social relations and excessive religion traditions which are very strong.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Anwar zahid ◽  
Ikram M Nelofar

The paper critically evaluates the notion that political Islam is a threat to world peace. The argument is developed in the light of Islamic history and fundamentals of Islam and the research is based on primary and secondary sources. There was a time when magical influence of Muslims in every field of life (socio-economic, Political scientific) was conspicuous. For instance, Al Farabi's books influenced platonic theories. Similarly influence of Sufism on the works of William James, Goethe, August Comte, Nietzsche, Voltaire and Rousseau also cannot be over looked. Muslims taught geology, geography understanding of mathematics rules of philosophy and Industrial Arts and quality of products. Islamic state and society showed many signs of internal decay by 11th Century. The symptoms of decadence were discernible even earlier, the decline of the power and prestige of the caliphs even in their own capital. So, the problems lay with Muslim rulers and parties in rule but not with political Islam. The result was weak administration which shook the foundations of Islamic Empire. It is very important to have a state in order to preach Islam that is why, Mohammad (SWS) established Madina as a political entity to prevail justice on the lines of Quranic injunctions.


Author(s):  
Ahmad Syarif Hidayatullah

In the midst of the swift flow of transnational Islamic movements in spreading the ideas and ideologies of puritanism to all levels of Indonesian society that not only to the urban community but also has penetrated into the corners of the village at least it has led to resistance from the Muslim community of Indonesia, especially the Muslim community strongly upholding traditional values ​​in their religious systems. Such resistance is seen in some cases that occur on the island of Bangka which is related to the culture of maulidan, grave, tahlilan, and the reading of talqin which has become a tradition of Muslim communities of Bangka island. However, responding and responding to this, Kampung teachers using and promoting the method of education and teaching 'pengajian kampung' at least enough to stem the flow of movement of ideology of puritanism that began to penetrate into the island community of Bangka. So then the existence of Islamic cultural that characteristic of Malay can still be maintained.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-174
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy ◽  
Amri Yusra

This article aims to look at the political views of the Jaringan Islam Liberal (Liberal Islam Network) in Indonesia. As a community that wants to carry out reforms with the spirit of modernization and rationality in religion, seeing it in political and democratic contestation in Indonesia is interesting. So this article questions two things; how does Jaringan Islam Liberal view the relevance of religion and politics? and how does Jaringan Islam Liberal view the implementation of democracy? The method used in this paper is a literature study that seeks to collect data from journal articles, books, and other related reading materials. This article shows that the Jaringan Islam Liberal (Liberal Islam Network) rejects forms of political Islam that try to formally fight for the superiority of Islamic value systems and symbols in the political sphere. They also reject the idea of an Islamic state and the formalization of shari'ah, and sees democracy as a value that must be implemented in a country. This is because it is in accordance with the basic rights that must be owned by individuals, which are known as human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-167
Author(s):  
Andrei Melville ◽  
Andrei Akhremenko ◽  
Mikhail Mironyuk

There is a striking opposition within the current discourse on Russia’s position in the world. On the one hand, there are well-known arguments about Russia’s “weak hand” (relatively small and stagnating economy, vulnerability to sanctions, technological backwardness, deteriorating demography, corruption, bad institutions, etc.). On the other hand, Russia is accused of “global revisionism”, attempts to reshape and undermine the liberal world order, and Western democracy itself. There seems to be a paradox: Russia with a perceived decline of major resources of national power, exercises dramatically increased international influence. This paradox of power and/or influence is further explored. This paper introduces a new complex Index of national power. On the basis of ratings of countries authors compare the dynamics of distribution of power in the world with a focus on Russia’s national power in world politics since 1995. The analysis brings evidence that the cumulative resources of Russia’s power in international affairs did not increase during the last two decades. However, Russia’s influence in world politics has significantly increased as demonstrated by assertive foreign policy in different parts of the world and its perception by the international political community and the public. Russia remains a major power in today’s world, although some of its power resources are stagnating or decreasing in comparison to the US and rising China. To compensate for weaknesses Russia is using both traditional and nontraditional capabilities of international influence.


Author(s):  
Igor I. Yevlampiev

The problem of choosing the way for our country unavoidably brings us to a discussion of the problem of liberalism. At first glance, this should not be a problem since liberal principles underlie Western society and are the basis of the modern world order. But this opinion is not shared by all intellectuals in Russia. First is the specificity of the Russian mentality, social consciousness and social life. The idea of 'Russia's own way' is much referred to by various political movements of pronounced nationalist color, but we have to study this idea at its deepest level rather than oversimplify reality. Yet even most thinkers who are oriented to the West and have insisted on the adoption of Western values and standards have also strongly criticized European civilization. Secondly, liberalism does not have a simple meaning. It connotes a number of complex ideological systems transformed over time both in theory and in political practice. Therefore, it is important to analyze the metaphysical premises of liberal doctrines and systems. I will examine assessments of liberal ideas made by Russian religious philosophers in the late 19th and early 20th centuries such as P. Struve, N. Novgorodtsev, I. Iliin, and S. Frank who all considered liberalism primarily a metaphysical rather than a legal or political phenomenon, and interpreted it as an empirical manifestation of the deep nature of the human spiritual reality.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a major actor in Middle Eastern as well as global politics. Founded in 1932 by King Abd al-Aziz Al Saud, commonly known as Ibn Saud, the kingdom rests on an alliance between the Al Saud royal family and the followers of 18th-century Islamic revivalist Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. The strategic and geo-economic significance of the kingdom originates from its location and possession of huge oil resources. It borders the world’s two immensely significant strategic sea trade routes—the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, boasts of being the world’s largest oil exporter, and is home to Islam’s two holiest sites—Mecca and Medina. Though not a militarily significant power, the kingdom’s vast oil wealth has gradually and greatly elevated its status as an influential global economic and financial power. Currently, it is the world’s seventeenth largest economy ($1.774 trillion, 2017 estimate based on purchasing power parity, or PPP) and a member of the elite G20 club of world economic powers. The economic good fortune notwithstanding, the Saudis have traditionally depended on the United States, especially after World War II, for security guarantees and pursued a foreign policy of restraint guided by preferences for soft power tools like mediation in regional conflicts, financial aid and investments, and diplomatic influence. Relations with the United States, mostly smooth but occasionally rocky (for example, the 1973 Saudi-led oil embargo on the West and the 9/11 attacks), has remained the cornerstone of Saudi foreign policy. A series of recent developments, most notably the rise of regional rival Iran following the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, the contagious effects of Arab pro-democracy movements, and the proclamation of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the summer of 2014 forced a major overhaul in Saudi foreign policy. A fundamental shift from the traditional policy of restraint to a proactive foreign policy took root from the early 2010s. King Abdullah bin Abd al-Aziz sent troops to Bahrain in March 2011 to stifle the Shiʿa -led pro-democracy movements; incumbent King Salman bin Abd al-Aziz, soon after ascending the throne in January 2015, launched a massive air attack on Yemen to punish the allegedly pro-Iran Houthi rebels, and doubled down financial and military support for the pro-Saudi rebel groups fighting against the Iran- and Russia-backed Bashar Al-Assad government in Syria. The kingdom has justified this proactive foreign policy approach as a necessary response to force Shiʿa powerhouse Iran to scale back its presence in Arab countries and to keep Iranian power under check. Lately, the kingdom is pursuing policies to court Israel to jointly square off with their common enemy Iran and weaken pro-Iran Lebanese militia group Hezbollah’s military capabilities.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document