scholarly journals INTERPRETASI HADIS: ANTARA HERMENEUTIKA DAN SYARH AL-HADITS (STUDI KOMPARATIF)

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-400
Author(s):  
Muhammad Syarifudin ◽  
Masruhan Masruhan
Keyword(s):  

This article attempts to analyze the syarh al-hadith method of classical and contemporary scholars and the hermeneutic method of Islamic scholars in explaining (interpreting) the Prophet's hadith. Because most scholars who write about the interpretation of hadith with a hermeneutics approach, instead use references in classical hadith syarh. Therefore, the author wants to examine the relevance of hermeneutical methods or theories in the study of syarh al-hadith. Is hermeneutics appropriate to be applied as a single foundation in the interpretation of hadith or is it only a complement to the syarh al-hadith? This article concludes after trying to compare the interpretations of the hadith commanding to fight humans until they say there is no god but Allah using the two approaches or methods above, and it turns out that both can go hand in hand and complement each other. Moreover, the hermeneutics approach is more about the meaning of the context of the hadith at the beginning of its emergence to the present, which requires an understanding of the meaning of the hadith according to its originator at the time of the background of the hadith (asbab wurud) and the history of this can be known through the syarah hadith method, especially, syarah hadith with other narrations or through the words of friends who lived contemporaries with the Prophet (originator). Besides that, the study of the original language of the text is also used as a reference in this case, which is part of the syarah of hadith as well.   Artikel ini mencoba menganalisis metode syarah hadis ulama klasik dan kontemporer dan metode hermeneutika cendekiawan Islam dalam menjelaskan (menginterpretasi) hadis Nabi. Karena, kebanyakan cendekiawan yang menulis mengenai interpretasi hadis dengan pendekatan hermeneutika, justru menggunakan rujukan dalam syarah hadis klasik. Oleh karena itu, penulis ingin meneliti relevansi metode atau teori hermeneutika dalam kajian syarh al-hadits. Apakah hermeneutika layak diterapkan sebagai pondasi tunggal dalam interpretasi hadis ataukah hanya menjadi pelengkap syarh al-hadits? Artikel ini mengambil kesimpulan setelah mencoba membandingkan penafsiran terhadap hadis perintah memerangi manusia sampai mereka mengucapkan tiada Tuhan selain Allah dengan menggunakan dua pendekatan atau metode di atas.  Ternyata keduanya bisa berjalan beriringan dan saling melengkapi. Terlebih pendekatan hermeneutika lebih kepada pemaknaan konteks hadis di awal munculnya ke masa kini, yang mana hal itu memerlukan pemahaman akan makna hadis menurut pencetusnya di masa lahirnya hadis (asbab wurud) tersebut dan histori mengenai hal ini dapat diketahui melalui metode syarah hadis. Terutama syarah hadis dengan riwayat lainnya atau melalui perkataan Sahabat yang hidup sezaman dengan Nabi (pencetus). Di samping itu kajian bahasa asli teks juga dijadikan rujukan dalam hal ini, yang merupakan bagian dari syarah hadis juga.

1997 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-436
Author(s):  
Chris H. Knights

AbstractThis article is the third in a series of studies on The History of the Rechabites. The first, "The Story of Zosimus or The History of the Rechabites?,"1 established the independent identity of this text within the Christian monastic work, The Story of Zosimus, and was a sort of prolegomena to the study of this text. The second, "Towards a Critical-Introduction to The History of the Rechabites,"2 sought to address the standard introductory issues, such as date, original language, provenance and purpose. The present paper seeks to examine the text verse-by-verse, and to offer a commentary on it. Or, rather, an initial commentary. No commentary of any sort has ever been offered on the Greek text of HistRech before, and it would be foolhardy to claim that any one scholar could perceive all the allusions and meanings in a particular text at a first attempt. This commentary, then, is offered in the same spirit as my two previous studies on HistRech: as a step along the way towards unravelling the meaning of this pseudepigraphon about the Rechabites, not as the last word on the subject.


1984 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 131-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrix Heintze

Translations ought not to serve as sources for academic research. This precept is an ideal which has today become quite unattainable in many fields, notably in the natural sciences and medicine. In the human sciences it is still widely operative (at least tacitly), yet here too it is increasingly becoming Utopian. For any scholar of German literature, of course, command of the German language is (and, one hopes, will remain) an essential prerequisite: a treatise on Goethe's Faust based on a translation of this work could scarcely be taken seriously. Likewise it should be expected of classical historians that they study their Greek and Latin sources in the original language. The question becomes more problematic, however, when we consider the citation of modern pieces of research and other secondary literature. Admittedly, the majority of studies are still published in one of the major world languages, and it is possible to get by with a command of two or three modern languages (e.g. with English and French, with Russian and English, or with Arabic and French). But the internationalization of research is gaining ground steadily. A book written in Japanese on, say, the history of South America has little prospect of coming to the notice of western historians unless it is made accessible to them in translation, in this instance probably in Spanish, Portuguese, or English (leaving aside as a rare exception the historian with an above-average flair for languages).


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 354-384
Author(s):  
Christoph Mauntel

From the late eleventh century onwards, the crusades brought Latin Christianity into direct contact with Muslim powers in the Near East. For the chroniclers of these events, the task of coping with the diversity of different Muslim actors the Christians faced was extremely challenging. Basically, they had two options to describe their respective political order: they could either use the rulers’ titles in the version supplied by the original language (i.e., sultan or caliph) or they could refer to them by using Latin terms (i.e., rex or imperator). An analysis of the way in which different crusade chroniclers described the political landscape of Islam in the Near East reveals interesting insights: ethnic denominations such as ‘Turks’ or ‘Saracens’ alternated with classical terms such as ‘Babylonians’ and ‘Persians’ thereby evoking ancient empires that were part of the medieval theory of translatio imperii. The Seljuk Sultan, for example, was frequently presented as the ‘emperor of Persia’. Thus, the Muslim states of the eleventh and twelfth centuries were at least to some extent presented as being part of the historical process of evolving and declining empires. The present article asks first how different chroniclers coped with the difficulty of naming and defining foreign political orders and thus developed distinctive interpretations of the history of these empires. Second, the article traces the way in which these models could be adopted by ‘non-crusade’ historiography: the example of William of Malmesbury shows that the English chronicler used the account by Fulcher of Chartres, but developed a remarkably distinctive version. Underlying his accounts is an overall theory of a continuing presence of eastern empires against the changing nature of politics in Christian Europe.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 441-446
Author(s):  
Yukio Nakano

AbstractWhen Zamiatin died in 1937, his novel We remained unpublished in Russian, although it was available in several languages. Eventually, it was published in its original language by the Chekhov Publishing House in 1952. So, what manuscript was the basis for the Chekhov Publishing House edition of We? At the death of Zamiatin, his widow, Liudmila Zamiatina had two galley proofs. When Mikhail Kaprpovich, editor-in-chief of New Journal, had an interest in publishing the novel in 1949, Liudmila sent the galley prood to Gleb Struve for the publication in New Journal. And, according to the correspondence of Gleb Struve and Vera Aleksandrova, editor-in-chief of the Chekhov Publishing House, she received this galley proof from Mikhail Karpovich. Very likely, The Chekhov Publishing House edition of We was based on this galley proof. Meanwhile, the Chekhov Publishing House was a branch of the East European Fund subsidized by the Ford Foundation. And the East European Fund assisted the Community Integration Program's efforts to help the refugees from Soviet Bloc nations to get settled in the United States and supported research programs on the U.S.S.R. This fact reminds us of the case of Animal Farm. As Orwell mentioned in 1948, the American authorities seized about half the copies of his book Animal Farm in Ukrainian edition and handed them over to the Soviet repatriation camp. A Ukrainian translation of Animal Farm was made by the D.P. historian, Ihor Ševčenko and distributed to Ukrainian readers in the camps.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-116
Author(s):  
Mikhail Sergeev ◽  

The article concerns the influence of humanist scholarship on sixteenth-century etymological practices, testified in the Neo-Latin reference works and special treatises on linguistics and history. Being an important part of historical research, which relied mostly on Greek and Latin literary sources, etymology could not but adopt some important principles and instruments of contemporary philological work, notably on the source criticism. The foremost rule was to study the sources in their original language, form, and eliminate any corrupted data as well as any information not attested in written sources. This presumed that every text had its own written history, which tended to be a gradual deterioration of its state, represented in the manuscript tradition that was subject to scribal errors and misinterpretations. This view on the textual history was strikingly consonant with that on the history of languages, which was treated by the humanists as permanent corruption and inevitable degeneration from the noble and perfect state of their ancient ancestors. In an effort to restore the original text, philology used emendation as a cure for scribal abuse and textual losses; likewise, language historians had their own tool, namely etymology, to reconstruct and explain the original form of words (including the nomenclature of various sciences). The intersection of both procedures is taken into account in the article and it demonstrates how textual conjectures, manuscript collation, and graphical interpretation of misreadings were employed by the sixteenth-century scholars to corroborate their etymological speculations, which established themselves as one of the ways of the reception and criticism of classical scholarly heritage.


Author(s):  
Mursalim Mur Salim ◽  
Abbas Abbas

This article aims to reveal the vernacular activities of the Koran in the South Sulawesi region through the work of Bugis scholars. The focus of this study is specifically on the work of Tafsir al-Qur'an Al-Karim bi al-Lugah al-Bugisiyah written by AG. Yunus Maratan by testing his methodology and dialectics within the framework of Bugis culture. By using a descriptive-analytic approach, this article shows the findings that this work is an attempt to bridge the al-Qur'an as an Arabic text with ordinary Bugis people who do not understand the original language of the Qur’an (Arabic), so that Al-Qur'an. Methodologically, the work is not a literary interpretation like mainstream tafsir literatures, but only as a translation work of the Koran that combines tarjamah lafziyah and tafsiriyah. This phenomenon also proves that the history of the spread of Islamic da'wah in the archipelago, especially in South Sulawesi, is very flexible by involving various local elements as a medium for preaching, including the vernacular of al-Qur'an. That is why the works of Bugis clerics and the cultural context of the community are intertwined in forming a local Islamic culture.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Lei Wang ◽  
Huiwen Yuan

The phenomenon of Anglicism is one of the hot linguistic topics which exists in almost every language in the world, especially in the French language. We look back to the history of English and French, and introduce the definition and classification of Anglicism. Considering the predominant place of the UK and the USA in many fields, the English language undoubtedly becomes Lingua franca in recent years.In certain high-tech domains, there are some irreplaceable words or the words which can't be translated properly in the target language. In order to introduce relative concepts, we have to ask the original language for help. That's how the Anglicism appears. And since then, the Anglicism has grown rapidly.By analyzing the history of the two languages, the origin of Anglicism and its development, we try to find out whether the phenomenon of Anglicism causes positive or negative effects for the French language.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 124-133
Author(s):  
Anna V. Solntseva ◽  

This article deals with issues that arise when analyzing Romance languages. Firstly, the author investigates the problem of determining the number of Romance languages and their classification. In modern linguistics, these issues remain unresolved. The classification of Romance languages changed depending on what grounds were proposed to be taken as its basis. Moreover, the status of some Romance languages remains controversial, so different authors list a different number of Romance languages. Secondly, the article describes the process of Romance languages formation: an attempt is made to explain the similarities and differences observed between them. The main reason for the similarity of all Romance languages is their common source: the Vulgar Latin. The article indicates the following factors that influenced the process of divergence of Romance languages: 1) A different substratum upon which the Vulgar Latin was superimposed in the provinces of the Roman Empire. The substratum is a complex of features of a local native language dissolved in a colonizing language. 2) Different superstratum. The superstratum is a complex of features of the extinct language of the non-native population remaining in the original language. The most active superstrate was German. Inhabitants of the Romance area in different parts of Europe had to deal with different Germanic tribes. 3) Different adstratum. The adstratum is the mutual influence of neighboring languages due to the long coexistence of two languages. Unlike substratum and superstratum, both interacting languages continue to exist in this case. The different geographical position of peoples of the Romance area determined a specific adstratum typical of a particular Romance language. 4) The state of the Latin language by the time a given province was colonized. 5) Duration and degree of Roman influence.


Author(s):  
Gershon David Hundert

This chapter reviews Jewish Privileges in the Polish Commonwealth (1985), which was edited by Jacob Goldberg. Publication of this work is cause for celebration in the scholarly community because a great wealth of rich and hitherto unknown primary source material is now available to students of the history of the Jews in early modern Poland–Lithuania. The original texts of sixty-three privileges granted to Jewish communities in the 16th to 18th centuries are published here on the basis of manuscript sources, most of them for the first time. Each privilege is presented in its original language, carefully edited, and introduced with a brief summary in English of its contents. Twenty-four of the privileges concern private towns and were issued by the hereditary owners, while thirty-nine privileges concern royal cities and are signed by the monarch or by royal officials. The geographical distribution of the towns represented in the collection is also quite balanced as reflected in the excellent map included in the volume.


2021 ◽  
pp. 130-141
Author(s):  
Jan Willem Drijvers

The manuscript of the Syriac Julian Romance was part of the Nitrian manuscripts which came into the possession of the British Museum in the 1830s. The Julian Romance received broader attention in 1874 in an important publication by the German orientalist Theodor Nöldeke. Six years later, J. G. E. Hoffmann published the complete Syriac work under the title Syrische Erzählungen; it is the only (non-critical) edition available of the Romance. In 1928 Hermann Gollancz published an English rendering. In 2016 a much better and reliable English translation of the Romance was published by Michael Sokoloff; besides a translation, it also includes the Syriac text of Hoffmann’s edition from 1880. This chapter offers a discussion of the scholarship of the Romance and deals with issues such as the place and date of origin of the text, the original language, the possible authorship, function, and genre of the text, as well as its place within Syriac literature. The Romance as we have it is generally accepted as having been composed in Edessa. The northern Mesopotamian city has a special place and a prominent role in the Julian Romance, in particular in the Jovian Narrative. One of the purposes of the text seems to have been to emphasize Edessa as the city of Christ par excellence, for which reason it deserves a special place in the world of Christendom, as well as to present Edessa as the model of Christian government for the whole empire.


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