The Chinese Economy and its impact on international trade (Study on the role of the port of Gwadar)

Author(s):  
أ.د.حميد شهاب احمد ◽  
م.م.زيدون سلمان محمد

China's economic policy and its huge capabilities operate according to an expansion strategy, especially in investing foreign projects, as the past ten years have witnessed a major development in the elements of comprehensive strength, especially in the economic field, in 2014 China launched the largest initiative in the world, represented by the Belt and Road Project (BRI), which links nearly 70 countries, through this project, a very important region has emerged, which is (the port of cadres) in Pakistan, as China has headed towards that region and given the highest importance that is in its interest in the first place regardless of the great Pakistani interest, This is consistent with its future aspirations, especially after breaking the economic monopoly of the West, specifically (the United States), as it is a force in a state of decline and is no longer the dominant force economically. Which, in turn, led to the generation of an obsession with fear of this power and what it poses from a potential threat to the entire global economy, and what it seeks in the future to employ cadres not only to develop its economy and compete with other countries commercially , rather it takes another place aimed at increasing the Chinese military presence in the region, especially as China continues to work to develop everything available to its pioneering path in the international system in order to distinguish China as a major country and perhaps a superpower.

2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Beckley

Two assumptions dominate current foreign policy debates in the United States and China. First, the United States is in decline relative to China. Second, much of this decline is the result of globalization and the hegemonic burdens the United States bears to sustain globalization. Both of these assumptions are wrong. The United States is not in decline; in fact, it is now wealthier, more innovative, and more militarily powerful compared to China than it was in 1991. Moreover, globalization and hegemony do not erode U.S. power; they reinforce it. The United States derives competitive advantages from its hegemonic position, and globalization allows it to exploit these advantages, attracting economic activity and manipulating the international system to its benefit. The United States should therefore continue to prop up the global economy and maintain a robust diplomatic and military presence abroad.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 611-644
Author(s):  
Pedro Vinícius Pereira Brites

A região do Nordeste Asiático destaca-se por sua singularidade geopolítica. É uma região na qual predominam atores cujas ações possuem alcance global, mesmo quando se trata da Coreia do Norte, o país mais pobre da região. Além da Coreia do Norte, as interações entre China, Rússia, Japão, Coreia do Sul, e Estados Unidos como potência extrarregional com presença militar na região, afetam a distribuição de poder no Sistema Internacional. A consolidação da China como Grande Potência reconfigurou a região e tem evidenciado o papel crucial que esse subsistema regional exerce para a polaridade no século XXI. Nos últimos anos, a consolidação do programa nuclear norte-coreano, a ascensão de Xi Jinping na China, a busca por reafirmação japonesa, a chegada de Donald Trump ao poder, reorientam as relações regionais. O presente artigo procura discutir as transformações na ordem regional no Nordeste Asiático desde o final da Guerra Fria até seus desdobramentos recentes e seus efeitos sobre as disputas hegemônicas. Assim, avaliam-se os processos que vêm ampliando a tendência à militarização e competição na região e o papel que a dissuasão nuclear exerce como fator determinante para o balanço regional.     Abstract: The region of Northeast Asia stands out for its geopolitical singularity. It is a region dominated by actors whose actions are global in scope, even when it comes to North Korea, the region's poorest country. In addition to North Korea, interactions between China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and the United States as an extra-regional power with military presence in the region affect the distribution of power in the International System. The consolidation of China as a Great Power has reconfigured the region and has highlighted the crucial role that this regional subsystem plays in polarity in the twenty-first century. In recent years, the consolidation of North Korea's nuclear program, the rise of Xi Jinping in China, the search for Japanese reaffirmation, reorient regional relations. This article discusses the transformations in the regional order in Northeast Asia from the end of the Cold War until its recent unfolding and its effects on the hegemonic disputes. Thus, are evaluated the processes that have been increasing the tendency towards militarization and competition in the region and the role that nuclear deterrence plays as a determining factor for the regional balance. Keywords: Northeast Asia; Hegemonic Recomposition; Regionalism.     Recebido em: Agosto/2018. Aprovado em: Dezembro/2018.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
AISDL

“China is a sleeping giant. Let her sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world” - Napoleon Bonaparte. The rise of China is a phenomenon in the 21st century. The rise of China is one of the most significant contributions to the restructuring of the world order as well as the Asian Pacific order. Although the United States remains one of the most powerful countries in the world, its regional and global hegemony has been considerably challenged by China. This paper contains three main objectives: (1) to present an overview on the miraculous growth of Chinese economy; (2) to identify the challenges from China’s rise posing on the regional and international system; and (3) to make an analysis on the case of the South China Sea disputes in order to clarify the reaction of the system towards the China’s rise.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-235
Author(s):  
Sang-Chul Park ◽  

Growth in trade has slowed since the global financial crisis in 2008. It seemed to recover in 2017 but declined again after the Trump administration in the U.S. imposed protectionist measures in 2018 which led to conflicts with its major trading partners, including Canada, China, Japan, Mexico, Korea and the EU. Among these partners, the U.S. negotiated amendments to its FTAs with Canada, Mexico and Korea. It is still negotiating with Japan. However, the U.S. government took a different, hard line approach to China in terms of trade based on setting high tariffs on Chinese imports to which China responded by placing high tariffs on U.S. imports. The trade conflict began with criticisms directed at each other, with the U.S. putting its national interest first and China touting a global system of free trade as a key issue. The trade conflict has negatively impacted not only the U.S. and Chinese economies but also the global economy, given that the two economies together as the G2 account for nearly 40% of global output. Therefore, one of the most important challenges for global economic growth is how the conflict might further affect the global economy. This paper analyzes why the trade conflict emerged and how to resolve it. It also focuses on the economic impacts of the trade conflict on the global economy in general, and the Chinese economy in particular. Further, it analyzes how the Chinese government strategically deals with trade negotiations with the United States.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Dennyza Gabiella

By means of neo-liberal perspective and supported by empirical evidences, this essay argues that despite the neo-realists’ assumption of China’s potential threat over the current liberal international system (which is led by the United States as the hegemonic state), China’s tremendous economic rise can be accommodated peacefully for two reasons. The first reason is that China’s economic rise itself is enabled by the existing liberal international system, which perpetuated by the United States’ and its allies. Whereas the second reason is because it is less costly for the one-party-rule China to achieve its national interests by maintaining a cooperative strategic relationship with the United States compared to challenging the United States’ leadership and revising the current liberal international system. This essay will be organized into three main parts. The first part of this essay will elaborate the theoretical debate between neo-realism and neo-liberalism perspectives and their assumptions about the ‘China Threat Theory’. The second part will provide empirical evidences to support the analysis of China’s likelihood to challenge United States’ hegemony in the 21st century based on the neo-liberalism perspective. The third part will analyse the potential of China to become the regional hegemonic power in South East Asia, and then followed by a conclusion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 09009
Author(s):  
Irina Minakova ◽  
Tatyana Bukreeva ◽  
Olga Solodukhina ◽  
Artyom Golovin

Research background. Due to the significant role that the United States, Russia and China play in the world political and economic processes, US-Russia-China relations can be recognized as the most important interstate relations in the world, setting the direction for the transformation of the international system. Nowadays, the study of these trilateral relations is a relevant scientific task. The authors, on a systematic basis, have investigated the aspects of interaction between the USA, Russia and China in the modern economy, which opened the way for solving the key issues of international relations. The authors have published several papers on this issue in Russia and abroad, including publications in Scopus and Web of Science indexed journals. Purpose of the article is to analyse the US-Russia-China relations and to determine the directions of their development in the context of globalization of the world economy. Methods. To analyse the interests, a systematic method was used that allows considering the interests of the United States, China and Russia as an holistic, complex mechanism with elements constantly interacting with each other. Findings & Value added. Despite geographical, linguistic, religious, and other distinctions, the United States, China, and Russia have a lot in common. There were historical periods of active and positive cooperation between these three major superpowers. In our opinion, in spite of the current contradictions between the parties, Russia, China and the United States have a mutual concern in harmonizing trilateral interests. However, the existed contradictions are not insoluble.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Trong Chinh

China is a sleeping giant. Let her sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world” - Napoleon Bonaparte. The rise of China is a phenomenon in the 21st century. The rise of China is one of the most significant contributions to the restructuring of the world order as well as the Asian Pacific order. Although the United States remains one of the most powerful countries in the world, its regional and global hegemony has been considerably challenged by China. This paper contains three main objectives: (1) to present an overview on the miraculous growth of Chinese economy; (2) to identify the challenges from China’s rise posing on the regional and international system; and (3) to make an analysis on the case of the South China Sea disputes in order to clarify the reaction of the system towards the China’s rise


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 166-188
Author(s):  
Bhanupong Nidhiprabha

With nearly a year of trade dispute between the United States and China, it has become apparent that the global economy will slow down, and this will have a direct impact on world trade. We adopt a vector autoregressive model to examine the impact of the U.S.–China trade war on the Thai economy. The results indicate that Thailand's output and exports to key markets are adversely affected by the escalating trade dispute. The slowdown in the Chinese economy will also put further downward pressure on world commodity prices, which in turn will reduce Thailand's exports.


Author(s):  
Michelle Murray

This chapter summarizes the book’s main argument, outlines its contribution to international relations scholarship, and applies the argument to current debates about the rise of China. Two positions dominate current debates about US foreign policy and the rise of China: engagement, which calls for integrating China deeply into the global economy and institutional architecture of the international order; and containment, which sees security competition as an inevitable outgrowth of Chinese power, and calls for the United States to preemptively increase its military presence in the region. This chapter argues that by focusing narrowly on China’s economic and military interests, the current debate misses an important aspect of China’s rise because it fails to consider the social motivations of rising great powers. Building on the core argument of this book, it suggests that only by accepting China’s recognition-claims can the United States facilitate China’s peaceful rise. The chapter concludes by exploring how the United States might navigate a foreign policy that both approaches China as a recognized partner in leading the international order and also protects its regional and global interests—and if such recognition is even possible.


2017 ◽  
pp. 140-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. W. Kolodko

For years, the view has been repeated that Asia’s age is coming, and thus the position of both Europe and the United States is declining. The main factor behind these tectonic shifts in relative economic power and the associated geopolitical situation is the nearly four decades of rapid growth of Chinese economy. The achievements of other Southeast Asian countries, especially India, with robust growth are also meaningful with this regard. The article verifies these views and analyzes the different aspects of China’s confrontation with Europe and North America. The Asian dominance era is not coming, yet a relatively stronger position of the East at the cost of a weakening position of the West is emerging. Hence, a new multi-polar arrangement of forces in the global economy, without a hegemon, is being created.


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