scholarly journals PARTISIPASI POLITIK MASYARAKAT PERBATASAN NEGARA DALAM PILKADA SERENTAK DI KABUPATEN MALINAU

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Semuel Risal ◽  
Eka Pratiwi

The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the low level of political participation of state border communities as an evaluation of the implementation of the elections held by the Malinau Regional Election Commission in 2015. There is a tendency that border communities do not care about democratic parties (elections) being held, because they feel ostracized by the government, even most of their basic needs depend on neighboring countries, namely Malaysia. While the Indonesian government seems to be ignoring border communities with high living costs and low welfare levels. Giving the impression that the election results also did not have an impact on the lives of the people of the country's borders. Whereas one of the objectives of the implementation of the elections is to produce elections that have clean, honest and fair integrity in order to be able to produce qualified leaders to develop community welfare. The results showed that social, economic, geographical, administrative and community apathy conditions affected the level of political participation of people at the border. Community apathy and geographical conditions have a considerable impact, so the development of border communities needs to be an important concern of the government so that the people trust the government. Thus, the awareness of the people of the national borders to build their participation in determining their leaders in the future elections.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Suparnyo Suparnyo

The election of regional leaders conducted directly by the community is believed to result in a democratic government. The formed government is expected to be more open, more responsive, and to carry out the aspirations of the people so that it can realize a government that comes from the people, by the people, and for the people. A person can nominate him/herself as a candidate for Regent or Deputy Regent if supported by some residents, by Political Parties or Combined Political Parties. The relatively weak support of the population or political parties or combined political parties has resulted in very few candidates for regent or deputy regent, even only one pair of candidates can occur as in Pati Regency. The study aims to know how the policy in the future (Prospective Model) should be taken so that the single-candidate for Regent or Deputy Regent in a general election does not happen. By using a sociological juridical approach, collecting primary and secondary data, processing and analyzing data, the objective of the study can be reached.The policy that needs to be taken by the government so that in the future there will be no single candidate is by giving obligations to political parties to conduct cadre recruitment to become candidates for regional leaders. Besides, the General Election Commission needs to make a scheme that is easier and more flexible for individual candidates regarding administrative requirements, procedures, and mechanisms for gathering support, and there needs to be a new policy so that the potential for a single-candidate can be eliminated or not occur.


1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-307 ◽  

The Trusteeship Council held its eighth special session from October 13 to October 17, 1958, at UN Headquarters in New York. Following the adoption of its agenda, the Council decided to examine simultaneously the two major items before it, the future of Togoland under French administration and the examination of the annual report of the French government on Togoland for the year 1956. The Council also had before it the observations of the UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) on the territory. At the Council's 937th meeting, Mr. Dorsinville, the commissioner for the supervision of elections in the territory, presented his report on the elections which had been held on April 28, 1958, which he had drawn up in accordance with a resolution adopted at the twelfth session of the General Assembly. Mr. Dorsinville drew the attention of the Council to the fact that the election results had been contested in six electoral circonscriptions, but that the appeals concerning the results had been rejected by the administrative tribunal. The composition of the Chamber of Deputies was, therefore, the same as that announced by the Election Returns Board, as given in Mr. Dorsinville's report. The commissioner re-affirmed the conviction expressed in his report that the results of the elections reflected the wishes of the people of Togoland. He pointed out that by the election of April 1958 the unanimity of the government of Togoland had ended, so that the present government was composed of a majority of a little more than two-thirds of the members of the new Assembly. The change in public opinion in Togoland seemed to explain the election results, in Mr. Dorsinville's view; the UN mission, he stated, had helped to create the circumstances favorable to the free expression of the people's will. Mr. Dorsinville also noted that the conversations between the French government and a Togolese delegation which had resulted in a communique were an indication of the good relations to be promoted between Togoland and France.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-41
Author(s):  
Elyta ◽  
Zulkarnaen

The community Borders the District of Sajingan not been enthusiastic in carry out elections of representatives Sambas Regency Area by 2014 as evidenced by the large number of difference in amount between the number of voters and the number of users voting rights in funneling his voice, even though the user voting rights in the total number of valid votes is very significant. The results showed that there are forms of political participation of border communities large and Sajingan two factors that lead to political participation that is an inhibitor of factor and the driving factor. Forms of political participation of the community in a big electoral exercise Sajingan Representatives Sambas County Area in 2014 including on election activities of the group, who only donate votes to tally election results. Restricting factors in political participation are (1) the bustle of daily activity most workers so prefer not to be involved in the implementation of the regional House of representatives election District of Sambas; 2) prohibition of the family at the request of participating families to give voting rights during the elections of representatives Sambas Regency Area. While the supporting factor of political participation is (1) a sense of wanting the public to be aware of the level of performance and commitment of the winner of the elections of the regional House of representatives elected later; 2) political consciousness of the voters who feel obliged in the launch of the implementation of the regional House of representatives election District of Sambas since it concerns the survival of the future.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-415
Author(s):  
Febrin Dwi Gloria Tampubolon ◽  
Muryanto Amin ◽  
Hendra Harahap

The election organizer is obliged to implement every principle in the election. The online National Counting System (Situng) is one of a series of election organizer activities in fulfilling the principle of openness to the public. Improving the quality of service in the General Election aims to increase public trust in the implementation of elections. According to Nunkoo, the principles of transparency and knowledge must be possessed by activity organizers in an effort to increase public trust. Research with this quantitative method looks at how much influence the online national counting system (situng) information (study of the 2019 Election results) has with a study on the people of Medan City. The findings in this study indicate that the process of transparency and increasing knowledge of the people of Medan City has significantly shaped Public Trust in the 2019 Election. The act of transparency has a bigger effect than increasing knowledge of online counting. Given the large role of transparency in shaping public trust in Medan City, this activity needs to be further enhanced to provide a better understanding to the public. And it does not rule out that online situng can increase public knowledge in the electoral field. Situng online is also expected to be an extension of the General Election Commission (KPU) in increasing public knowledge as a basis for experience in the election.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-123
Author(s):  
Suwandi S. Sangadji ◽  
Saiful Rachman

This study aimed to find out the planning, challenges, rational vision and mission offers, and the implementation of the 2020 regional election in Tidore during the new normal period. The applied method in this study was descriptive-qualitative using an interactive model approach. The results of this study can be stated with the following conclusions. (1) In the context of planning and preparation for the 2020 regional election in Tidore, it is necessary to pay attention to the successes and possible failures of the 2019 general election by setting a transparent and integrated planning and preparation concept for all parties who will determine the success of this regional election; (2) The general challenge faced by the government and the people of Tidore, especially for the Regional General Election Commission (in Indonesian: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD)) in organizing the 2020 regional elections, is how to carry out the regional elections democratically based on the direct, general, free, secret, honest, and fair principles as a process of maturing public political behavior; (3) The special challenge faced by each pair of candidates is to offer a concept of a realistic, actual, accurate, and precise development vision and mission according to the development, needs, potentials, and problems of the people of Tidore.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Sobar Podu ◽  
A. Qadir Gassing ◽  
Usman Jafar ◽  
Abd. Halim Talli

This paper elaborates on the Papuan People's Assembly Electing Non-Muslim Leaders in Non-Muslim Majority Areas in the Perspective of Mashid Syari'ah in Jayapura City, Papua Province. The results of this study indicate that the Papuan People's Council (MRP) elects leaders in non-Muslim majority areas in the perspective of maqasid syari'ah in Papua, in its role in the process of organizing the selection of prospective leaders in Papua, has taken away the rights of citizens in general. it is decided by the competent authority of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) following what has been decided by formal institutions, such as the General Election Commission (KPU) and traditional institutions that have been given authority according to law. In the provisions of Law No. 21 of 2001 on Papua Special Autonomy, there is no room or space for immigrants. As for the recruitment process for prospective leaders such as Governors and Deputy Governors based on Law No. 21 of 2001 The basic matters that constitute the contents of this Law include the arrangement of authority between the Government and the Provincial Government of Papua and the application of this authority in Papua Province which is carried out with specificity. This law places indigenous Papuans and the population of Papua in general as the main subjects. The existence of the Government, Provincial Government, Regency / City Government, as well as the apparatus under them, are all directed at providing the best service and empowering the people. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-140
Author(s):  
Muhammad Noor ◽  
Hairunnisa Hairunnisa ◽  
Ghufron Ghufron

April 17, 2019 has passed with every story, the election is a democratic process to elect the President and Vice President 2019-2024, this election is held simultaneously with the legislative general election. In this 2019 election. Are the steps and actions of the Samarinda City Election Commission team carrying out education and outreach to the public about the urgency of awareness of choosing a trustworthy central and regional leader for the next 5 years. Either through conventional media or social media that is currently being used by young people in the city of Samarinda, because it is undeniable that the number of beginner voters has a not small quota. Besides that, it also discusses how the communication of the political participation of the people of Samarinda City in following and enlivening the 2019 Election. Political participation is to take part or take part in state political activities or activities. In determining the selection of informants can use purposive sampling technique. Purposive sampling technique is to determine the sample with certain considerations that can provide maximum data and subjects / objects according to the purpose. Samarinda City KPU can be said to be trustworthy and attractive, so it is expected that as a source / communicator it can recognize well and have knowledge of the communicants it faces in its socialization activities to increase political participation in the 2019 elections  Key Word : Role, Election Commission, Political Participation, Elections ABSTRAK Tanggal 17 April 2019 telah berlalu dengan setiap cerita, Pemilu merupakan sebuah proses demokrasi untuk memilih Presiden dan Wakil Presiden periode 2019-2024, pemilihan ini dilaksanakan serentak dengan pemilihan umum legislatif. Pada Pemilu tahun 2019 ini. Apakah langkah-langkah dan sepak terjang tim Komisi Pemilihan Umum Kota Samarinda telah melaksanakan edukasi dan sosialisasi kepada masyarakat tentang urgensi kesadaran memilih pemimpin pusat dan daerah yang amanah untuk 5 tahun ke depan. Baik melalui media konvensional ataupun media sosial yang marak saat ini dipergunakan oleh pemuda di kota Samarinda, karena tidak dipungkiri bahwa jumlah pemilih pemula memiliki kuota yang tidak sedikit. Selain itu membahas pula bagaimana komunikasi partisipasi politik masyarakat Kota Samarinda dalam mengikuti dan memeriahkan Pemilu 2019 ini.  Partisipasi politik adalah mengambil bagian atau mengambil peranan dalam aktivitas atau kegiatan politik negara. Dalam penentuan pemilihan informan dapat menggunakan teknik Purposive Sampling.Teknik purposive sampling adalah menentukan sampel dengan pertimbangan tertentu yang dapat memberikan data secara maksimal serta subjek/objek sesuai tujuan. KPU Kota Samarinda bisa dikatakan, dapat dipercaya dan memiliki daya tarik, maka diharapkan sebagai sumber/komunikator dapat mengenali dengan baik dan memiliki pengetahuan akan komunikan yang dihadapinya dalam kegiatan sosialisasi yang dilakukan untuk meningkatkan partisipasi politik pada Pemilu 2019. Kata Kunci : Peran, KPU, Partisipasi Politik, Pemilu  


Author(s):  
Aleksa Filipović

The goal of this research consists in determination of impact of the Progress Party (Norway) and the Danish People's Party upon the policy of their national governments with regards to Russia. The Progress Party used to be member of the Norwegian government coalition from 2013 to 2020, while the Danish People's Party supported the Danish coalition governments from 2015 to 2019. The analysis of the origin, ideologies, political agenda, and policy of the parties give a more accurate explanation on their position towards Russia, as well as defines the level of their political willpower in influencing the government policy thereof. Research methodology is comprised of content analysis used in examination of the official documents of the Progress Party and the Danish People's Party, comparative analysis used in considering political programs of both parties, as well as various election results and other corresponding data. The conclusion is made that both parties have considerable impact upon the state policy of their countries with regards to the Russian Federation. Moreover, both of them demonstrated no political interest in making Russia the key vector in their foreign policy programs. Being neither of Russophile nor Russophobic nature, their presence in the government did not become the reason for deterioration or improvement of relations with Russia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Ida Susilowati

AbstractThe 2019 presidential election has a different political nuance compared to previous elections in Indonesia. Increased political participation in society gave birth to militant political volunteers in each of the paslon camps. As political participation increases, it is undeniable that there are also indications of a black campaign in the 2019 presidential election contestation this year. The issue of communism and the issue of khilafah are examples of the existence of a black campaign that threatens the democratization of elections in Indonesia and even threatens the disintegration of the nation. The following article seeks to find out how black campaigns can develop in Indonesia and the efforts of the government and the community in counteracting black campaigns in elections in Indonesia. Actualization of Pancasila values in the form of legislation was made by the government as an effort to cope with the hoax news circulation. The internationalization of the values of Pancasila in people's lives has an important role as a solution to face the black campaign in the process of democratic political socialization. This is an effort to realize the creation of social justice for all the people of Indonesia, through the realization of a rigorous election.Keywords: Black campaign, communism, Islamic caliphate, political socialization, election democratizationAbstrak Pemilu presiden 2019 memiliki nuansa politik yang berbeda dibanding pemilu-pemilu yang pernah terjadi sebelumnya di Indonesia. Meningkatnya partisipasi politik di masyarakat melahirkan relawan politik yang militan di masing-masing kubu paslon. Seiring meningkatnya partisipasi politik tersebut, tidak dapat dipungkiri meningkat pula indikasi adanya black campaign dalam kontestasi pilpres 2019 tahun ini. Isu komunisme dan isu khilafah menjadi salah satu contoh wujud dari adanya black campaign yang mengancam demokratisasi pemilu di Indonesia bahkan mengancam dis-integrasi bangsa. Artikel berikut berusaha untuk mencari tahu bagaimana black campaign dapat berkembang di Indonesia dan upaya pemerintah serta masyarakat dalam menangkal black campaign pada pemilu di Indonesia. Aktualisasi nilai-nilai Pancasila dalam bentuk perundang-undangan dibuat pemerintah sebagai upaya menanggulangi beredarnya berita hoax. Internasilasi nilai-nilai Pancasila dalam kehidupan masyarakat memiliki peranan cukup penting sebagai solusi menghadapi black campaign dalam proses sosialisasi politik yang demokratis. Hal tersebut sebagai upaya mewujudkan terciptanya keadilan sosial bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia, melalui realisasi pemilu yang luberjurdil. Kata kunci: Black campaign, komunisme, khilafah islam, sosialisasi politik, demokratisasi pemiluAннотация Президентские выборы 2019 года имеют свои политические особенности по сравнению с предыдущими выборами в Индонезии. Увеличение политического участия в обществe привело к появлению воинствующих политических добровольцев в каждом из оплотов кандидатов. Поскольку участие в политической сфере возрастает, нельзя отрицать, что возрастает также количество приёмов черной кампании в президентских выборах в этом году.  Проблемы коммунизма и халифата являются примерами существования черной кампании, которая угрожает не только демократизации выборов в Индонезии, но и национальной интеграции в целом. В статье рассматриваются пути использования чёрной кампании в Индонезии и существующие государственные и общественные меры по противодействию черной кампании на выборах в Индонезии. Принятие ценностей Панчасилы (пять принципов, лежащих в основе индонезийской модели построения общества “справедливости и процветания”) в форме законодательства было осуществлено правительством для борьбы с распространением ложных новостей. Интернализация ценностей Панчасилы в жизни общества играет важную роль в качестве решения противостоять черной кампании в процессе демократической политической социализации. Это попытка реализовать создание социальной справедливости для всех жителей Индонезии путем осуществления выборов “Luberjurdil” (прямых, публичных, свободных, конфиденциальных, честных и справедливых). Ключевые слова: чёрная кампания, коммунизм, исламский халифат, политическая социализация, демократизация выборов


2022 ◽  

This bibliography covers scholarship on selected protest songs of the musician Thomas “Mukanya” Mapfumo (b. 1945) that were written in colonial and postcolonial Zimbabwe. In keeping with the Marxist cultural theoretical orientation that is evident in research on this subject, the organization of these entries traces the sociopolitical engagement of Mapfumo’s songs that reflect praise and dissent during the Second and Third Chimurenga wars of political liberation, respectively. Discourse on Zimbabwe’s economic challenges has positive and negative interpretations. Mamdani 2005 and Bond and Manyanya 2002 (both cited under General Overview) state that the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) inherited an economy that had already suffered due to pre-independence policies. Dossa 2007 (under General Overview) argues that development is meant to perpetuate Western dominance. Manjengwa 2007 (under General Overview) blames the ruling party’s top-down approach in implementing development programs. The first section of the bibliography analyzes the songs “Pfumvu paruzevha,” “Kuyaura,” “Chiruzevha chapera,” and “Tumira vana kuhondo,” which Mukanya composed to express the experiences of Zimbabweans during colonialism. Zimbabweans’ way of life was disrupted and Mukanya mirrored this cultural upset through protest songs. The songs resonated well with the ideology of the ZANU-PF. Soon after independence, Mapfumo sang celebration songs (“Zimbabwe” and “Rakarira jongwe”). The second section examines protest songs penned after independence (“Varombo kuvarombo,” “Ndiani waparadza musha,” “Musatambe nenyika,” “Disaster,” “Corruption,” “Mamvemve,” “Maiti kurima hamubvire,” “Chauya chauya,” and “Ndangariro”). The scenario deteriorated due to alleged misgovernance by the ruling ZANU-PF elite, a situation that attracted Mukanya’s criticism. The bibliography traces how the transition of ZANU-PF from heroes to villains is portrayed through Mukanya’s music. During the armed struggle, Mapfumo sided with the liberation war movement. This changed after independence, and Mapfumo allegorically poses questions pointing at the empty promises ZANU-PF leaders made to uplift Zimbabweans’ standard of living. Mukanya sang about the contested land redistribution in Zimbabwe. Consequently, Mapfumo was stalked by state repressive agents until he fled to live in exile in the United States in 2000. He yearned for Ubuntu philosophy, nationalism, and unity. People may differ ideologically, but they ought to accept one another as a nation. This fosters positive peace, which Zimbabweans have yearned for over four decades. Mapfumo wants people to be economically empowered. He has been incarcerated before and he is fearless. Chimurenga music is a voice for the downtrodden masses. Mukanya’s songs that have explicit political messages were banned from airplay by the government. Mapfumo has remained united with the people he is fighting for despite living in exile. Mapfumo uses music to complain about the people’s suffering. He bears memories about Zimbabwe that remain engrained in Chimurenga music in the backdrop of ZANU-PF hegemony. He has called for free and fair elections because Zimbabweans have a right to choose leaders, but election results have been contested since 2000.


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