The last Croatian defender of brotherhood and unity – Miloš Žanko. A story of desperate courage and political responsibility

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 135-143
Author(s):  
Irina V. Rudneva

The article examines the issue of how, under the conditions of growing nationalism in the Socialist Republic of Croatia in the late 1960s, Miloš Žanko, one of the Croatian leaders, bravely opposed the political trends, which threatened both the region and his country. In the newspapers and magazines, at the Party congresses, he entered into harsh polemics with Croatian nationalists, who were exposing their insidious schemes and defending the idea of brotherhood and unity. However, Žanko did not anticipate how deeply nationalist ideology was rooted and how strong it was in Croatia, at what a high level of the establishment this ideology was supported, and what price the person who was daring to oppose it would have to pay.

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Melissa Chakars

This article examines the All-Buryat Congress for the Spiritual Rebirth and Consolidation of the Nation that was held in the Buryat Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in February 1991. The congress met to discuss the future of the Buryats, a Mongolian people who live in southeastern Siberia, and to decide on what actions should be taken for the revival, development, and maintenance of their culture. Widespread elections were carried out in the Buryat lands in advance of the congress and voters selected 592 delegates. Delegates also came from other parts of the Soviet Union, as well as from Mongolia and China. Government administrators, Communist Party officials, members of new political parties like the Buryat-Mongolian People’s Party, and non-affiliated individuals shared their ideas and political agendas. Although the congress came to some agreement on the general goals of promoting Buryat traditions, language, religions, and culture, there were disagreements about several of the political and territorial questions. For example, although some delegates hoped for the creation of a larger Buryat territory that would encompass all of Siberia’s Buryats within a future Russian state, others disagreed revealing the tension between the desire to promote ethnic identity and the practical need to consider economic and political issues.


2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Louise I. Shelley

The murder of Valentin Tsvetkov, the governor of Magadan in central Moscow in broad day light in October 2002 highlights that organized crime and corruption are still alive and well and highly destructive of life and governance in Russia (Wines, 2002). His murder once again raises the question, “Why has Russia not been able to stop organized crime and high level corruption?” The answer is that Russia docs not have the political will at the national, regional or local level to fight these problems. This is true because the Kremlin and economic elite push their personal interests over those of the state and the society. Structural problems such as low salaries of state personnel and the embedding of organized crime and corruption make reform very difficult.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-300
Author(s):  
Irina Busygina ◽  
Mikhail Filippov

Abstract The COVID-19 crisis has provided an opportunity to re-evaluate how the federal relations work in authoritarian Russia. In particular, the crisis has confirmed that the regional governors are an integral part of maintaining the stability of the non-democratic regime. Since the whole system and thus, the political careers of the incumbent governors depend on Putin’s popularity, they are interested in maintaining it, even at the expense of their own popularity with the population. In Spring 2020 the regional governors have demonstrated both loyalty and willingness to shield Putin from political responsibility for unpopular measures associated with the epidemic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 163-174
Author(s):  
Nadia Fadil Abbas FADLE

The political leadership in India has realized since independence in the year 1947 that it needs to create distinct political, economic and social conditions to move on the path of development based on the human and natural capabilities of India that qualify it to reach the ranks of major powers, the most important characteristic of public policies in India is the comprehensiveness of its results And its outputs for large segments of Indian society, which necessitated attention to developing high-level strategies in various sectors and paying attention to internal challenges and external threats. India pursued the path of development and became an economically advanced country that competes with major powers in the scientific and technological field and became advanced in the field of emerging energy and entered the nuclear club.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (87) ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Glinka ◽  
◽  
Tetiana Zykova ◽  

The article is devoted to current problems of linguistic science - the study of mechanisms for implementing the manipulative function of a political text, which involves the study of features and potential of the means of expression and its effective impact on the mass consciousness. The study of political text as a complex and multi-vector phenomenon makes it possible to identify effective means of communicative influence on recipients, which is an important factor in the development of communication technologies and increase the manipulative function of political speeches. Today, the political text is the object of close attention and study of many scholars in various fields of knowledge, such as political science, economics, psychology, linguistics, as political communicative behavior is characterized by a set of language and speech means, including language units of expression. The expressiveness of a political text is an important semantic category that every experienced politician takes into account. Therefore, today there is a growing interest in the study of the communicative aspect of language, in the problems of interpretation of expressive, word-forming and syntactic means in the translated text. In the field of translation studies, the direction of modern linguistics is presented as a study of mechanisms for reproducing the potential of the means of expression in the original language by appropriate means in translation, which requires a comprehensive study of political texts in combination of semantic, expressive and pragmatic levels. There is a need to clarify both general theoretical knowledges and to study practical views on the reproduction of the communicative and pragmatic aspects of the political text functioning in the language of translation. Perfect and complete political texts translation in various genres, taking into account linguistic and cultural peculiarities, requires from the translator not only a high level of language proficiency, but also deep background knowledge, including information about the country of the native speaker. It is noted that the transfer of means of expression in the Ukrainian language is carried out with the involvement of various stylistic, lexical and grammatical transformations.


Author(s):  
Yuri G. Raydugin

This chapter provides a high-level overview of concepts, models, and results discussed in this book. It is accentuated that risk quantification used in decision-making can be tagged as ‘political mathematics’. The political aspects are defined by various realizations of bias from strategic misrepresentation to the Hiding Hand principle. It is pointed out that the mathematical aspects may succumb to the similar realizations of bias as political ones. Recommendations to balance the political and mathematical aspects are proposed. A role of the non-linear Monte Carlo N-SCRA methodology supported by the project system dynamics modelling is established as a role of the Revealing Hand. It should provide ammunition for decision-making before the project approval, not after in a form of lessons learned as the Hiding Hand does. This is a way to decline the invitation to attend a ‘banquette of consequences’ referring to project failures as ‘unpleasant unsurprises’.


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