scholarly journals KOMUNIKASI POLITIK SEMESTER 5 KELOMPOK 3

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mona Maghfira

Abstarknyo The development of communication technology has penetrated the lives of human beings. One form of communication is the development of new media technologies who gave birth to social media. Political world is also not free from the influence of new media and social media. Social media are like two sides of a coin for political actors. On the one hand, the success by using social media is getting positive support. But on the other hand failure by using social media is the risk by damaging the image. This paper discusses the challenges and opportunities of social media on political actors. Exposure to the use of social media in political communication becomes the first part of this paper. The second section discusses the challenges faced by political actors in the 2.0 era. The third section gives an offer opportunities for political actors in the utilization of social media. There is also the fourth and final section is a conclusion that contains what should be done by political actors to minimize the risks and maximize the opportunities offered by social media. Keywords: internet, new media, social media, political communication

COMMICAST ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Ahmad Munardin Hadma ◽  
Juliardi Dwi Anggoro

The development of communication technology has penetrated human life. One form of communication technology development is new media (new media) which then gave birth to social media. The world of politics cannot be separated from the influence of the development of new media and social media. Social media are like two sides of a coin for political actors. On the one hand, the success of using social media can enable political actors to get positive support. But on the other hand, failure to take advantage of social media risks damaging the image he has. This article uses a qualitative approach to discuss the challenges and opportunities of social media for political actors. The explanation of the use of social media in political communication is the first part of this paper. The second part discusses the challenges faced by political actors in this 4.0 era The third part offers an opportunity for political actors to use social media. The fourth or final part is a conclusion that contains what political actors should do to minimize risks and maximize the opportunities offered by social media.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nadas Ramachandra Pillay

This study seeks to examine the exponential growth of social media technology as a key component in recent American political campaigning, as well as its use and impact on the larger disciplines of marketing and branding. Adopting the approach of a case study with the focus firmly on the current American president, Barack Obama, the study identifies the key media and technologies used in the build-up to the 2008 American presidential elections in order to unpack and understand how such media channels, technological platforms and patterns were successfully utilised. References are also made to the concepts of ‘branding’ and ‘super branding’ in the discussion, and to the myriad ways in which social media has helped create and roll-out what has since become commonly known as ‘brand Obama’. To provide a framework for the discussion and in order to further understand the rapid growth and proliferation of social media on the political campaigning landscape, a comparison is made with the 2004 American presidential election campaign. This, it is posited, will assist us understand the drivers of new media technologies especially as they are used to create and impact positively on the growth of political super brands.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Campbell

In the early days of the Internet, many political communication theorists held the utopian belief that political actors would use online tools to communicate directly with members of the public, and thereby bolster political engagement and enrich democracy. Unfortunately, studies over the past two decades found that political websites were not usually used to interact directly with the public, but instead were used to simply disseminate information in a one-way information-sharing model. However, the emergence of social media sites presents political actors with the opportunity to interact with the public far more easily than websites had previously allowed. Given the widespread adoption and high usage rates of social media sites, these online resources could potentially open up a space for public discussion about politics and allow political actors to interact directly with members of the public. Literature indicates that this type of shared space is conducive to the kind of civic mindset that leads to higher rates of political engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media within elections, such as the 2008 U.S presidential election, and on the use of social media by national governments. I have chosen instead to examine how a group of municipal councilors in Toronto, Ontario uses social media. These politicians have the greatest need to interact directly with individuals throughout their term of service because municipal councilors are expected to know the members of their ward far more intimately than federal, or even provincial, politicians. My study focuses on the use of Facebook because literature indicates that it is the most political social media platform and that it presents politicians with the greatest opportunity to foster political engagement online. Through analysis of the Facebook pages of Toronto city councilors this study examines the degree to which councilors use Facebook to engage their followers, whether certain citizens are consistently engaged in ongoing political discussions, and whether small communities of politically engaged citizens develop around the Facebook profiles of councilors.


2022 ◽  
pp. 917-930
Author(s):  
İbrahim Hatipoğlu ◽  
Mehmet Zahid Sobaci ◽  
Mehmet Fürkan Korkmaz

Today, politicians like other political actors use social media to interact with their audiences. In the relevant literature, studies on the use of social media by politicians focus more on how politicians use social media for political communication during the election periods and its impact on the election results. Furthermore, these studies mainly focus on national politicians. Few studies focus on the use of social media during a non-election period by the local politicians, and these studies analyse the purpose of using social media. Therefore, in the relevant literature, there is a need for empirical studies to measure the citizen engagement level of local politicians during the non-election period and analyse its determinants beyond the purpose of using social media. In this context, this study aims to analyse the relationship between some factors and the level of citizen engagement of the mayors on Twitter in Turkey. The findings of the analysis show that there is a relationship between the status of municipalities and the engagement level of mayors.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 754-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Postill

The link between the spread of social media and the recent surge of populism around the world remains elusive. A global, rather than Western, theory is required to explore this connection. Such a theory would need to pay particular attention to five questions, namely, the roots of populism, ideology and populism, the rise of theocratic populism, social media and non-populist politicians, and the embedding of social media in larger systems of communication. In this essay, I draw from a range of cross-cultural examples to argue that social media are inextricable from a dense web of highly diverse online and offline communicative practices. Like most other forms of political communication, populism is twice hybrid, in that it entails the ceaseless interaction between old and new media as well as between online and offline sites of communication. Populists never operate in a vacuum or indeed in a filter bubble: they share hybridly mediated spaces and arenas with other populists and with non-populists. Over time, these varied political actors have co-evolved media strategies and tactics in full awareness of one another’s existence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Farhat Sajjad ◽  
Mehwish Malghnai ◽  
Durdana Khosa

As language is central to all social processes and practices, so it is considered as the most effective tool for (re)shaping and (re)constructing the social realities and political identities as they are negotiated, (re)constructed and thus projected in the broader social and cultural contexts. Since the advent of new media technologies, particularly social media, the forms and modes of political identity construction and (re)presentations are also transformed. As debated earlier that language enables its users, specifically political actors, to exhibit the political ideologies and identities effectively, so the political actors frequently exploit these platforms to achieve their pre-defined political agendas. Within the same context the political rhetoric, specifically the ones that is generated and exhibited on social media network sites, offers a new visibility for the researchers to explore and predict how ideologies and perceptions can be achieved, advocated, altered and rebuilt through discursive discourse strategies on these networking sites. Providing the power of social media for political participation, political engagement and political activism, there is a need to design such framework that can offer a different lens for the analysis of critical yet sensitive issue of political identity (re)presentation beyond the textual level. To address the above debated issue a new theoretical framework is presented in this paper that enables to analyse the text with special reference to the context in which the political identities are negotiated, (re)constructed and (re)presented. This framework is designed by collaborating the approaches of CDA, Political Identity theory, Social Media theory and Political Discourse theory that enables to explore the interrelationship between the “language in use” and the context in which it is created and consumed. 


Author(s):  
M. Olguta Vilceanu ◽  
Suzanne FitzGerald ◽  
Jekaterina Yurievna Sadovskaya

Rapid growth of new media technologies allows organizations to communicate with consumers in immediate and interactive ways via blogs and social media websites such as Facebook and Twitter. Consumers, companies, and organizations bypass mass media gatekeepers and engage in direct communication exchanges. This study examines social media efficacy from the perspective of corporate and educational organizations in the United States and Belarus. Using the Delphi method, authors administered iterative surveys to a panel of sixteen experts, seeking consensus points. Access to financial, staff, and technical resources allow corporations to make intensive and effective use of social media. Non-profit and education organizations are interested in ability to relate to stakeholders by low-cost technologies, human interest stories, and personal connections. US organizations valued appropriateness for target audience as the most important factor in evaluating the best use of social media. Belorussian organizations valued effectiveness of the channel itself or ease of use.


2018 ◽  
pp. 235-270
Author(s):  
Audun Beyer ◽  
Kari Steen-Johnsen

In this chapter, we investigate the ways in which national voluntary organizations have employed new digital media. We study in particular whether digitization seems to enable new organizational forms; if it contributes to new ways in which organizations can engage members and volunteers; and how the new digital media can contribute to, for example, public debate. We ask if organizations differ in such use, and whether certain types of organizations are more likely to use new forms of communication, both to inform members and to participate in the public. For instance, do organizations that were established after the rise of social media (digital natives) use new media differently than older organizations? Secondly, we investigate what kinds of barriers that can prevent the use of social media by such organizations Our findings initially point out that the use of internet and social media largely permeates all types of organizations in Norway, but that there are important differences between different organizations. Furthermore, we identify different dimensions in terms of the use of social media, with clear distinctions between public activities on the one hand and activity directed at members on the other. Finally, we find that a lack of resources is the main causal factor when it comes to the organizations that not use social media.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Campbell

In the early days of the Internet, many political communication theorists held the utopian belief that political actors would use online tools to communicate directly with members of the public, and thereby bolster political engagement and enrich democracy. Unfortunately, studies over the past two decades found that political websites were not usually used to interact directly with the public, but instead were used to simply disseminate information in a one-way information-sharing model. However, the emergence of social media sites presents political actors with the opportunity to interact with the public far more easily than websites had previously allowed. Given the widespread adoption and high usage rates of social media sites, these online resources could potentially open up a space for public discussion about politics and allow political actors to interact directly with members of the public. Literature indicates that this type of shared space is conducive to the kind of civic mindset that leads to higher rates of political engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media within elections, such as the 2008 U.S presidential election, and on the use of social media by national governments. I have chosen instead to examine how a group of municipal councilors in Toronto, Ontario uses social media. These politicians have the greatest need to interact directly with individuals throughout their term of service because municipal councilors are expected to know the members of their ward far more intimately than federal, or even provincial, politicians. My study focuses on the use of Facebook because literature indicates that it is the most political social media platform and that it presents politicians with the greatest opportunity to foster political engagement online. Through analysis of the Facebook pages of Toronto city councilors this study examines the degree to which councilors use Facebook to engage their followers, whether certain citizens are consistently engaged in ongoing political discussions, and whether small communities of politically engaged citizens develop around the Facebook profiles of councilors.


Author(s):  
Kenneth L. Hacker

This chapter explores the recent United States military policy changes regarding the use of social media by members of the services. It also discusses the use of these new policies for military public affairs. The chapter analyzes the policy changes in light of network theory in the studies of new media technologies and how users construct networks of influence by employing these new technologies. It is concluded that the military use of new media networking (NMN) is an effective way of both protecting the communication security of military information and optimizing the networking potential of the new media. It appears that the military can use its new social media policies to take advantage of NMN by generating news on their own sites, directing the public to more information, enhancing the morale of service members with families, and developing new methods of recruitment.


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